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Tuesday, October 16, 2012

Economic Thought of Nizam al-Mulk

ECONOMIC THOUGHT OF NIZAM AL-MULIK AL-TUSI

Brief Life History

Khwajah Abu Ali Hasan Ibn Ali Ishaq was a landmark figure of the history and rule of the Saljuq Turks, who established their Sultanate in the name of the caliphs of Baghdad. He is better known.in history as Nizam al-Mulk, a title of honor, conferred upon him by the founder of the Saljuq dynasty, Sultan Alp Arslan.

It was in 408 AH/IO17 AD that Nizam al-Mulk was born, in the small town of Radhkan (or Nuqan?) located in the suburb of Tus, about 50 miles to the north of Mashhad in Persia. He belonged to a family of middle-class landowners (dihqans) and in the days of the Ghaznawids, his father was appointed a tax-collector of Tus by Abu al-Fadl Sun, the governor of Khurasan.
Nizam al-Mulk had his early education in the study of Hadith and fiqh. Upon his father's desire to see him pursuing the legal profession, he was initially placed under the guidance of 'Abd al-Samad Funduraji, a profound scholar of law. He then studied with an outstanding Shafi'i 'alim known as Iman Muwaffaq of Nishapur. This would probably be the main reason for his allegiance to the Shafi'i madzhab, as apparent in his (Nizam al-Mulk's) major work, Siyasat Namah. After his studies, Nizam al-Mulk, although being a Persian, was to begin his gradual and eventual, but initially unplanned, administrative mastery of the Turkish Saljuq empire.

". ..he travelled to Bukhara and Merv, and to a number of towns in Transoxiana, most probably in search of a post, and after 441 AH /1049 AD, he went to Ghaznah, where he sought service with the Ghaznawids, thus getting an opportunity to acquaint himself with their administration. When Sultan Abd al-Rashid was murdered in 444 AH /1052 AD and the political affairs were upset, he escaped to Balkh and entered the service of Ali Ibn Shadhan, who was then the governor of that province on behalf of the Saljuq ruler Chaghari Beg Dawud. Annoyed with the habits of this man, who extorted heavy sums from him every year, he fled to Merv; there Chaghari Beg appointed him the mushir (counsellor) and the katib (secretary) of his son, Alp Arslan. It was on the advice of~li Ibn Shadhan that Alp Arslan, after his accession to the throne in 455 AH /1062 AD, raised him to the position of a Joint Minister with Amidal-Mulk Kunduri."

After the death of Kunduri, Nizam al-Mulk became a full-fledged prime IIlinister or wazir of the Saljuq empire. He held the reins of the empire during the rules of Alp Arslan and his successor-son, Malik Shah, especially during the rule of the latter who succeeded to the throne in 465 AH/I072 AD.

The period of Nizam al-Mulk's life and Prime Ministership has been, labelled as a period of change. "... (it was a period of) a great conflict between the accepted ideas of Islamic policy and the Perso-Turkish notions which were slowly creeping into the body-politic of the Caliphate. The Islamic principle of political conduct was that the ruler should not be a super-legal person free to act as he willed, but that he should definitely and without doubt be under the Divine Law as laid down by the Apostle of Islam. Circumstances had, no doubt, changed since this great principle was laid down, and the shifting of the capital from Madinah to Damascus and from Damascus to Baghdad had made the Caliphate an absolute monarchy in all but name. While Iranian culture and principles attacked the sanctuary of Baghdad in the west, it converted the nomadic Turks of Central Asia in the east to their own way of thought, and when the Seljuqis reached the centre of the Caliphate they had already become thoroughly Persians."

The ability to ride this period, and as prime administrator for 30 years, to organise the empire and establish peace and prosperity, stamped the administration of Nizam al-Mulk as the period of the Golden Age for the Saljuq rule.

"He organized a system of education and started regular madrasahs I and founded several important colleges and universities and endowed them adequately with magnificent grants from the government. He selected the best qualified men and employed them as heads of colleges. Among these were Imam Ghazali and Imam al-Haramain at Nishapur, al-Shashi at Herat and Abu-Ishaq Shirazi at Baghdad. Tajud-Doula, another minister of Seljukid, founded a college under his name Tajiyya, and Nizam al-Mulk's other colleges were at Isfahan and Mery, which possessed 10 public libraries. Besides these, there were other colleges in all important cities, such as Samarkand, Balkh, Alleppo, Damascus, Ghazni and even Lahore. To these, the Khalifah Mustans'er added a magnificent college with library and other arrangements under the name of Mustansariyyah. There were 30 high schools in Alexandria and 17 centres of learning in Spain with 70 public libraries. Spanish Muslims were'so eager for education that from the Khalifah down to the poorest citizen, all were united in studying and undertaking the long journey in quest of knowledge. There were colleges, academies and libraries at Seville, Granada and Cordova. The last-named, possessed besides a most magnificent library, a college which produced over 170 eminent scholars."

Nizam al-Mulk's commitment to education was not solely restricted to the setting up of education institutions. Every effort was made to facilitate the search for knowledge through disbursement of scholarships, supplies of books, lodging, boarding and any other necessities, much of which were borne by the ruler.

Nizam al-Mulk's administrative acumen also brought progress to the infrastructural and economic development of the empire. Roads were built while taxes were appropriated. Land policies and matters received hisexpert attention since he had first-hand knowledge of all administrative affairs, especially those relating to land. As we are to discuss later, this was one of the more important economic affairs that he had significantly contributed to.

It is thus not surprising to read of various awards of recognition conferred upon this scholar by both Alp Arslan and Malik Shah. The Abbasid Caliph, al-Qa'im (1030-1075 AD), dignified him with the title of Radi-u Amir al-Mu'minin, an award never before conferred on a wazir. Malik Shah awarded him the high title of Atabek (literally meaning "Father Lord") for successfully meeting various threats and difficulties facing the former's rule.

As fate was to show, there were those who felt threatened by the administrative vigour and leadership of Nizam al-Mulk. The Ismailis ultimately acted against him through assassination because he opposed them on religious grounds and threatened their dangerous political designs. It was even stated that the period of glory for the Saljuqs ended with his death.

Major Works

Nizam al-Mulk has been reported as having three works to his credit, at least in terms of the ideas having originated from him even though he may not have been the one to write it wholly.

These three works are:

1. Siyasat Namah (The Book of Government/Statecraft), also known as Siyaru al-Muluk.

2. Dastur al- Wuzara' (The Conduct of Ministers) or also known as the Wasaya-i Khwajah Nizam al-Mulk (The Precepts of Khwajah Nizam al-Mulk). This book is henceforth referred to as the Wasaya. Some references refer this work as the Majma'u al-Wasaya.

3. Safar Namah (The Book of Travels), reported to be no more in existence.

On the first two works, the Wasaya is accompanied with some controversies pertaining to the question of whether it was indeed Nizam al-Mulk who wrote it.

"The Wasaya is not claimed to be the composition of Nizam al-Mulk himself in the sense in which the Siyasat Namah is considered to be his work. It was compiled in the ninth / fifteenth century by an anonymous person whose family, as he claims in the preface, descended from Nizam al-Mulk. He compiled it partly from the books and partly from the oral traditions handed down in his own family. Therefore, the anecdotes cited in it begin invariably with the phrase, "So says Khwajah Nizam al-Mulk." The preface, which is one of the reliable sources of Nizam al-Mulk's life, is evidently from the pen of the compiler. But the other two chapters, which form the main part of the work and contain much valuable material on the political ideas of this famous vizier, are composed from his own authentic writings and utterances. It has been justly remarked that it does not owe its contents to his pen. A large part of the Wasaya may be regarded as the actual utterances of Nizam al-Mulk."

With regards to its contents, the Wasaya is said to be an exposition of his theory of vizierate, or prime ministership, a mind-penetrating and powerful model of governmentship, which has much to lend to students of public administration and political science.

The Siyasat Namah has generally been recognized as the genuine composition of Nizam al-Mulk. It was a product of Malik Shah's instruction to his ministers to explain the cause of troubles affecting the nation. The ministers, including Sharaf al-Mulk, Taj al-Mulk, Majd al-Mulk and Nizam al-Mulk attempted to produce books on politics and administration. However, only Nizam al-Mulk's Siyasat Namah met with his approval, leading to Malik Shah declaring that it would form the law of the constitution of the nation in future.

This book itself contains 50 chapters, spreading over the tasks of identifying the factors of political success, royal prerogatives, duties along with the administration of every department of the government, the way for a state to attain stability and what could be the main requirements of the Saljuqian Empire. In short, this book details the plan of running a government successfully.

The significance of this book is such that "the main principles enunciated by it still guide nations and rulers in their relations with one another and in their domestic affairs." This is perhaps attributed to the high degree of pragmatism and viability inherent in the ideas propagated because the book is "an expression of a realistic political theory which emerges out of an actual political situation, and, therefore, help us to understand the stage the development of Muslim polity reached in the 5th century AH / 11th century AD." Thus, there exist a strong cohesion and cogent embodiment between theory and practice, partly arising out of the position of Nizam al-Mulk as a real-life statesman.

Administrative and Economic Outlook

Nature and Basic of the Government/State

Nizam al-Mulk conceived the state as a moral institution, ruled to attain good for the millah (nation/people). However, the state itself must be good and to be so, it must be founded on the values and principles of Islam, embodied as the Islamic Shari'ah. The nature of the Shari'ah is such that it does not dichotomies between the "religious" and "mundane" functions of the state. Hence, preservation of the material and mundane interests (such as property, welfare and equity) are as much Islamic objectives as the preservation of "religious" duties. Being a prime statesman involved in real life administration, Nizam al-Mulk strove towards transforming the ideals inherent in Islam into practical realities, an effort which had rewarded him with the attribute of being one who does not merely theorize, but rather, translate theories into pragmatism.

Principle of Masiahah in Administration

A wise and able statesman is one who meticulously weighs all arguments and considerations to a matter. The principle of maslahah (public interest) in Islam plays a significant pivotal role in this matter, as how Nizam al-Mulk is reported to have realised.

"If any short term interests came into conflict with moral principles on the one hand and the well-being of a larger entity or community on the other, he (Nizam al-Mulk) sacrificed the short-term gains. Nizam al-Mulk invariably sought to ensure a conformity and compatibility between the interests that he was employed to safeguard and those that he had to serve in conscience as an orthodox faithful Muslim."

Safeguarding Welfare, Productivity and Efficiency

Nizam al-Mulk was fully aware of the correlation of the three factors: welfare, productivity and efficiency. Safeguarding of welfare can substantially enhance expected productivity and level of efficiency (in the general sense of the word). We can observe this through the incident related below:

"There was a time when the affairs of Ray were causing worry to Nizam al-Mulk. He was informed by spies that Qutlumush had left the fortress of Kurd Kuh and started plundering the country and soon Ray was to be attacked. Alp Arslan also started towards Nishapur and he and his army reached Damghan. Alp Arslan, compelled by his brotherly affection, sent a message to Qutlumush to desist from mischief. Qutlumush did not pay any attention and started looting the area around Ray. Qutlumush filled Wadi al-Milh with water making a passage to Ray impossible. This situation worried Alp Arslan. Nizam al-Mulk said to him, "Do not worry at all. I have recruited soldiers whose shots never miss the targets. I have secured the loyalty of pious recites of the Holy Qur'an, the ulama and the sufis of Khurasan, whom I have treated with kindness and magnanimity. All of them are praying for the victory of the Sultan. This army of yours is your best support"

After saying this, he put on his armour, proceeded with Alp Arslan and distributed money to' the troops. The Sultan put his horse in the water and crossed it safe and sound along with the army. Then severe fighting started between Qutlumush and Alp Arslan in which Qutlumush was killed. When the Sultan returned to Ray in 456AH/IO63 AD, 'Amid al-Mulk welcomed him with full military honors. On this clear and decisive victory, Alp Arslan was greatly pleased with Nizam al-Mulk".

What this incident illustrates is that force, strictness and discipline must unconditionally be accompanied with the safeguarding of the human interests. Non-quantifiable and non-material factors such as kindness and .; magnanimity are as significant, if not more, than the quantifiable factors ! such as strength and volume of resources (in this case, the size of the army). It is well advised that this point should be seriously reflected upon by policy makers when evaluating the effectiveness and acceptability of their policies. If failures in economic policies arise, the question may be posed as to whether these failures are due to deficiency in resources or the discontentment over welfare interests of the policy implementers. As a general observation, strikes and work to rule practices emerge from unsatisfactory schemes of services. Similar observations may be made of the behavior of the other economic agents of the economy.

Relationship between Satisfaction of Basic Needs and National Stability

National Stability

National stability can be attained through ensuring that the basic needs of the society are sufficiently safeguarded and satisfied. Further enhancement can almost ensure the minimization of possible reasons for grievances that may be harbored against the ruler.
"Food should be plentiful and the state should organize free kitchens for the needy and the poor. The agricultural produce should be kept up so that there is no shortage of foodstuffs. State granaries should be maintained in the Empire to provide plentiful foodstuffs during natural calamities or bad harvests. Hoarding and cornering of necessities must be stopped and punished. The market is to be controlled in the interests of the consumer".

Need for Cautious Economising Measures

Managing the economic components of a state cannot be divorced from considering possible repercussions (desired or otherwise) affecting the other sectors of a nation. Nizam al-Mulk portrayed the quality of a national administrator, proving his far-sightedness in the following event:

"Malik Shah seems to have been persuaded by the argument, so he spoke to Nizam al-Mulk about the matter. He at once guessed that his opponents had been at work. He pointed out that if such a large number of men were dismissed, they would raise difficulties for the government. Besides, a large and expanding empire needed a large army. If the army was permitted to be reduced, the empire would shrink. Any person who recommended an economy of that kind was not a friend, for armies brought treasures and retrenchment of the armed forces was the surest method of losing territory as well as money. This argument settled the matter".

Hence, short-term, medium-term and long-term considerations must be appropriately weighted, so that the net consequences over a suitable time period will be to one's favor, instead of merely attaining favorable effects over the short-run period and ultimately suffering henceforth.

Optimal Employment of Labor vis-à-vis National Security

Optimal employment of labor is not only a matter of concern necessitating only considerations of economic variables. Non-economic variables are as equally important, if not more. Hence, economic policies and measures must be viewed in a comprehensive framework of considerations, one of which is national security, as portrayed by the following concern of Nizam al-Mulk.

"An unnecessary multiplication of posts and officers not only burdens the treasury but works against efficiency. If several persons share duties, the chances are that they would intrigue against each other and create complications and difficulties. It may be useful to shorten tenures of offices and rotate those holding them so that they do not become so well entrenched as to be in a position to intrigue against the monarch and create other difficulties. This is even more relevant in the case of provincial governors because if they become rooted in one place, the temptation to break away from central authority is very great".

Socio-Economic Equality

Nizam al-Mulk believed in the Islamic principle of equality, whereby everyone in the state, irrespective of status or power, shall receive equal opportunities. Equality in economic opportunities is a prerequisite for the attainment of social equality. The state or government bears the main responsibility of ensuring this. Socio-economic efforts towards this end included an effective management of zakah, large scale distribution of alms and gifts, building of inns and houses for the poor and employment provision for the people according to the capacity and worth.

Significance of the Need for a Just Tax System

No one can deny the need for a sound tax system and subsequently a healthy financial base. Nevertheless, Nizam al-Mulk believed that strong finance alone will not prevent national problems. As the following event is to illustrate, it was the nature of economic management rather than the volume of economic proceeds that was to play the pivotal role in eradicating a potential national health security threat:

"Once, Sultan Alp Arslan was about to move for an expedition against the Byzantine Empire. He, therefore, wanted to realize taxes in advance. The harvest time was a bit away and, therefore, the people were worried. Moreover, there was a plague in Merv which was taking a heavy toll of lives. One day, these happenings were discussed in the court. The Sultan said that neither the army nor money could prevent death. Nizam al-Mulk respectfully replied that only justice and benevolence could eradicate the plague. "I have read in the books of history," said he, "that a King wanted to know the exact position, of his treasury." Nobody knew his intention. The ministers of the empire very carefully verified and reported the correct position of the treasury to the King. After being informed of the sound position of the treasury, the King called upon all the officials of the state and thanked God in the presence of all of them and said that the position of the treasury was satisfactory and could meet any eventuality. "I promise that from now onward, nobody would be put to the trouble of the payment of taxes so long as the treasury is full. It will now be the duty of the officers to assure that even the weakest person is not oppressed by anyone even slightly." As a result, no death occurred during the next six years. It was quite manifest that the produce of the country had tremendously increased and people had prospered". After hearing this story, Sultan Alp Arslan cancelled his previous orders and met the requirements of I' the army from the treasury. It is obvious that if the Sultan had persisted in his design, the result would have been gross dissatisfaction, misery and failure of the scheme".

Land Policies

One of the major set of reforms developed by Nizam al-Mulk pertained to the administration of land. Several thought-provoking ideas were projected, drawing attention, supportive or otherwise, to the matter, even till today. Before venturing into some discussion of the more salient aspects of the reforms, we can perhaps read the following account of these land policies, as reported by M. Ruknuddin Hassan.

"The system of land assignment what Nizam al-Mulk calls the iqta' dari -may be regarded undoubtedly as the eastern form of feudalism as against the feudalism of medieval Europe. To a great extent, Nizam al-Mulk may be considered responsible for developing, if not for introducing, it on systematic lines within the political structure of the Saljuq empire. It was due to the military organization of the Saljuqs, on which their political structure ultimately came to rest, together with the problems of revenue administration, that the practice of assigning fiefs (iqta's) to the military chiefs, soldiers, and to other private persons was adopted. There were also the dihqans, the Old Persian land-owners, who continued to exercise proprietary rights as before. This system, in brief, was designed as a means of paying the soldiers and of collecting the revenues.

The principles on which Nizam al-Mulk suggests that the iqta' dari should be based, developed it into a feudal system very different from the western feudalism, both in character and in social and political consequences. It is basically different in the tenure of the feudatories, in their legal rights over the land and the ra'iyyah (vassals) as well as in the relation of the king as the overlord with the muqta's (feudatories), on the one hand, and with the subjects, on the other. The iqta' system, as envisaged by Nizam al-Mulk, is by no means strictly hereditary as a general rule. There is nothing in his writing to suggest that he is in favor of assigning lands to an individual with a specified legal right to transmit it by inheritance. On the other hand, , in his system, the feudatories come to occupy a position more akin to that of the tax-collectors with large administrative powers than that of the "feudal lords", in the medie6al sense. In their relations with the vassals, they are like the shihnahs (guards), and in case a feudatory fails to treat them well, "the fief, it is suggested, must be withdrawn from him". Besides, "the officials and the feudatories must be changed every two or three years so that they may not get strong in their fortifications".

It appears that side by side with developing the iqta' system, Nizam al-Mulk attempts to enlarge the powers of the king as a means of checking the centrifugal tendencies which tend to appear in feudalism. This leads him to put forward a theory of ownership which goes well with his idea of absolute monarchy. He holds that "the feudatories who hold the fiefs must know that they have no other right over the subjects than to extract from them with civility and courtesy the lawful amount which has been assigned to them, that is, to the feudatories, and when that has been taken, the subjects shall be secure in their persons, property, wives, and children, and in their goods and estates. The king, and the feudatories and the governors (walis), set over their head, are like the guards to the subjects, as the king is to others".

In entertaining such a view regarding land-ownership, Nizam al-Mulk departs from what may be regarded as the Islamic theory, which attributes the absolute ownership of land, not to the Head of the State, but to the state itself, as entrusted to it by God. It is also a clear departure from the traditional concept of the Ghuzz tribes, who looked upon the land that they would come to occupy as the common property of their families. It was this tribal concept of land-ownership that Nizam al-Mulk was seeking to modify basically, as it was out of tune with the administrative principle of a centralized empire which had now passed into their hands. To him, it was essential to bring both the land and the subjects under the central authority of the king.

A good deal of his theory, it appears, has come to him from the old feudal Persia. This is evident from his attempt to explain this principle by an anecdote from Persian history in which the famous vizier Buzurjmihr has been represented as advising Nushirwan that "the kingdom (wilayah) belongs to the king (malik), and the king has entrusted the dominion, and not the subjects, to the military. When the military is not well wishing unto the kingdom and kind to the people and takes the power to arrest and imprison and to appoint and dismiss, what difference then remains between the king and the military, for that power really belongs to the king and not to the military". On other occasions, Nushirwan exhorts his feudatories to treat the people well, and only to take from them what is due and just; and he stresses the fact that the dominion belongs to him, and it is by him that the estates have been assigned to them. Nizam al-Mulk's feudal theory takes away much of the powers from the hands of feudal lords which they enjoyed, for instance, as in western feudalism. It leaves them with limited power to collect the revenues and to have only "a fixed amount in their hands". Moreover, it removes them from the position of being the sole intermediaries between the king and the subjects, preventing the latter from getting into direct contact with the former. In his system, the direct responsibility for the well-being of the subjects rests, not with the feudatories, but with the king, and therefore, he suggests that the king should send spies (jasusan) and special confidants (khwas) to inquire secretly about administration in the fiefs in order to get reliable information about the condition of the subjects, and urges him to dismiss a feudatory who forbids subjects to represent their cases to the king in order to seek redress for grievances.

All this results in the concentration of all the political and administrative powers, as sought by Nizam al-Mulk, in the central authority of the king which was once enjoyed by the Persian autocrat."

One clear point of controversy raised by Hassan here pertains to what he perceived to be Nizam al-Mulk's alleged departure from an Islamic theory to land ownership. M.N. Siddiqi (1982) is in agreement with this view, stating that "Hassan rightly criticises this view (of Nizam al-Mulk) for being at variance with the Islamic principle, that it was the state and not the head of the state to which the land belonged". This issue should perhaps be addressed by asking the question: In the Islamic framework, are the state and the head of state to be seen as different entities, or rather, to be viewed as two sides of the same coin, one being the body itself while the other is a representative of that body? The discrepancy would arise if the state (as a whole) is unIslamically and unjustifiably at variance with the leader, at which stage, either the state or the ruler must be brought back in line to the Islamic path. This realignment should then be sufficient cause for placing aside any conception that the state and the ruler can contradict each other in objectives, approach and principles. For an enhanced appreciation of this matter, the next section on the attributes of a ruler should be read closely in context.

Siddiqi also wrote: "He (Nizam al-Mulk) recommended withdrawing land from the charge of the landlord if he failed to fulfil his obligations. The landlords were, in his (Nizam al-Mulk's) viezp, only tax collectors. They did not even have the right to fix the quantum of the tax, which was the privilege of the landlords and make the ruler all powerful.

The first question that one would be provoked to question here is: what could have been the reason(s) for this policy? The question of maslahah? The problem of non-optimal or sub-optimal utilisation of land, affecting the national coffers negatively? The circumstances of the time necessitating such measures for national security reasons in view of potential hazards of disloyalty from the difficult job of managing such a large empire? These and several other possible reasons should be explored and exhausted in order to give a fair analysis of Nizam al-Mulk's actions, improper as it may initially seem to be.

Attributes of the Head of State

The ruler or the Head of state is not a figurehead. Rather, his integrity, credibility, effectiveness and just holding of this leadership duty necessitate him to unconditionally possess or vigorously strive towards the following attributes:

". ..a comely appearance, a pleasing disposition, integrity, manliness, daring skill in horsemanship, knowledge of and expertise in the use of various kinds of arms and accomplishment in different arts, pity and mercy upon the creatures of God, strictness in the performance of promises, sound faith and true belief, devotion to the worship of God and the practice of such virtuous deeds as praying in the night, (that is, in addition to the prescribed times of fard prayer) abundant fasting, respect for religious authorities, honoring devout and pious men, winning the society of men of learning and wisdom, giving regular alms, doing good to the poor, being kind to subordinates and servants, and relieving the people from their oppressors".

One fact that had been impressed upon him was the highly exemplary characteristic of past Persian rulers, who allowed them to be judged in courts if complaints were made against them by the people. As a Muslim, Nizam al-Mulk believed that taqwa (piety) can lead to this willingness, committed in all sincerity. Hence, the ruler must not only qualitatively develop himself but close avenues that could lead to opposing objectives (That is evil).
"Hence (the ruler) should make every effort to become popular through his service to the people because on the support of the people would lie his real strength. He must guard himself against becoming a tyrant. The best method of doing so is to cultivate piety and respect for the Shari'ah because so long as he follows the law he cannot incline towards tyranny as the Shari'ah prescribes excellent limits of authority and its exercise.

He should make every effort to enforce justice not only among the people at large but also to punish wrongdoers and oppressors among his officials who should not be permitted to exceed their legitimate authority.

He should keep good company and cultivate the society of men who give him sound advice. For this, he has to cultivate a good judgment, because without a sound judgment, he can neither be a good judge of men, nor of their motives, nor of the quality of the advice that they tender".

The Nature, Role and Control of Public Servants

Nizam al-Mulk believed that the Head of State as conditioned in the preceding section, must necessarily be supported by an equally strong supporting set of public servants. Besides qualitatively developing these public servants, preventive measures to ensure the safeguarding of these public servants must be established. Hence, the need for a proper system of checks and balances so that abuse of public authority will not occur.

"The monarch should be in a position to enforce obedience to his orders and if orders are not obeyed and discipline is undermined among the public servants or any other sector of the subjects, the stability of the state would be threatened. In fact, the power to enforce obedience is the real bastion of the strength of the state. The public servants being of such importance for the efficiency of the government and the stability of the state should be chosen carefully. It has already been mentioned that the utmost vigilance should be exercised in preventing heretics, unbelievers or disloyal persons infiltrating into the service, because their main motive would be to disrupt the state or at least they would become willing agents of disloyal and hostile elements.
In choosing the public servants their merit as governed by right belief and loyalty is to be kept in view. Their capacity for good and efficient service should form a yardstick. From this, it follows that efficiency would suffer greatly if worthless favorites or their recommendees are recruited or promoted. This will also enable him to keep an eye upon traitors and treacherous activities. The Sultan would then be forewarned and thus forearmed and quite often be able to nip the mischief in the bud".

It need not be extensively argued here of the significance of this issue. Misappropriation of funds, abuse of power, authority and status, criminal and civil breaches of trusts, corruption and white-collar crimes are reflective of societies which neglect this obvious fact. Economically and less-economically developed nations of today commonly face this dilemma. It is just the differing degrees of occurrences and their subtleties which may cause one nation's plight to be more highlighted than the others'.

M.R. Hassan rightly highlighted Nizam al-Mulk's emphasis on the quality of responsibilities towards the people when he wrote of Nizam al-Mulk as arguing that:

". ..a good monarch must rule, not for his own good, but for the good office whole country. He is responsible for the welfare of his subjects, and is personally accountable to God, not only for his own conduct, but also for the conduct of his officials towards the people. It is, therefore, an essential part of his duty that he should appoint as government officers only those who are God-fearing, learned, pious, and righteous, and should instruct them to treat the people well, because as justice brings prosperity, oppression leads to the devastation of a country".

The Role and Attributes of the Muhtasib

Focusing on the market economy itself, Nizam al-Mulk wrote of the role of the muhtasib. Again, where heavy responsibilities are to be shouldered necessitating inherent qualities of trustworthiness, accountability, reliability and piety, then those to be appointed into the post of a muhtasib must necessarily be men of high integrity. To be able to ensure a law-abiding and contented society is of prime prerequisite for national stability and peace, conditions conducive for the further development of the society.

The less-to-do section of the population was extended special attention because even the poor could be potential rebels if their discontentment and patience were pushed too far.
"The peasantry is to be specially looked after and all help should be extended to it. Besides, it should be effectively protected from the mischief of corrupt collectors of revenue, who should not be permitted to extort any money from the cultivators. All public spending must be directed towards common good and it should be remembered that the treasury really belongs to the people".

Public Complaints Court

Nizam al-Mulk was very much impressed and partly inspired by the ancient Persian kings' methods of the administration of justice. The principle of direct responsibility adhered to by some of the more well-known kings such as Nushirwan the Just, reached the extent whereby the kings allowed themselves to be respondents before the Chief Justice. This is to allow the possibility of people who may have complaints against even the ruler.

Hence, Nizam al-Mulk advocated for the necessary holding of a public complaints court, presided by the ruler himself. Such a court must, without fail, be held twice a week to exact redress from the unjust, to dispense justice and to allow the people to have direct access to the ruler himself for such serious matters, rather than to restrict them to the use of an intermediary.

Correcting the Misconception of Nizam al-Mulk as a Persian Nationalist

Nizam al-Mulk have been implicated as a person "serving the cause of Persian nationalism". It cannot be denied that in many matters, he had looked into his Persian heritage. This included among others, his concern for the administration of justice by the ruler and several aspects of his land policies.

However, it must be noted that he was a devout Muslim statesman with a firm Islamic conviction. This is clear without further proving. Even as he advocated the various aspects of land policies, justice system and others, he adhered to the Islamic value pattern and principles to extract the Islamically acceptable features of the Persian heritage. Furthermore, "as the Muslim administrative tradition in the East had adapted many institutions and procedures from pre-Islamic Iranian traditions, their influences can surely be traced in Nizam al-Mulk's thought; but that is a far cry from saying that he was serving the cause of Persian nationalism". Indeed, even in the Shari'ah matters and views on administration and statecraft and framework, it can safely be stated that he followed the opinions of Muslim fuqaha such as al-Mawardi. What he had done was to apply both the Islamically -acceptable aspects of the Persian heritage and the conceptual writings of 'ulama in the manner which he thought was best for the society contemporary to his time.

Wednesday, October 26, 2011

Monday, January 10, 2011

Why bother reading Machiavelli today? Why reading The Prince or The Discourses in Iran? It is, after all, exactly 500 years day by day since The Prince was written by Machiavelli in 1505. One simple answer is that Machiavelli is the founder of modern political philosophy. Another answer is that he is the first political theorist of a disenchanted world in which the individual stands alone without God, with no motives and purposes except those supplied by his own subjectivity. This is perhaps closer to our concerns in Iran. What is most relevant in Machiavelli’s thought to us is not only his new science of statecraft, but what one can call an “un-Machiavellian Machiavelli”. It is precisely at this point that a non-Machiavellian reading of Machiavelli should start. Machiavelli was no Machiavellian, nor Machiavellians are acute and aware readers of Machiavelli. Of course, it is difficult to avoid seeing the man through the work of a long line of commentators, and imputing to him the theories which have been adduced at later times in order to explain his thought. It is essential to discover where lay the peculiar genius of the man, and to find out in which way his attitude is ours in regard to our political passions. Machiavelli is admittedly ours. He does not speak past us, from another time and another culture. He challenges us from within our world, and the challenge he poses is total.

In truth, what Machiavelli’s analysis throws into relief is the political condition itself. If human beings stop overlooking the place of fortune in their affairs and recognized their limited powers to establish political institutions and to ensure themselves against the caprice of time and chance, they could throw their weight on the side of political life animated by civic spiritedness. Politics orients itself towards action and for action to be possible, men must play their part. There is a possibility of a new beginning insofar as human s act together politically, which is Machiavelli’s deepest conviction. Politics so conceived is, of course, subject to all the ambiguities of political action. Today in a time when ideological politics is discredited and when globalization has thawed frozen political systems, many consider political action as an unpleasant burden. Others try through politics to inculcate a univocal and monolithic sense of the public good in citizens. Thus the “public thing” (the res publica ) is in constant danger of being overwhelmed by enemies of freedom, or by citizens’ forgetfulness of their responsibilities. The former possibility is the political fate of religious fundamentalisms in our world, as for the latter, it could be defined in terms of the Western experience of “thoughtless” politics developed in an increasingly private and materialistic terms of the pursuit of happiness.

What distinguishes Machiavelli from the politicians of our time is that he does not appear at the head of a party in the name of the universal class or race or on behalf of humanity. For him, there are no standards above politics. In other words, Machiavelli’s political thought is on principle hostile to partisan claims, which mislead any politician or simple citizen who take them seriously. This is to say that instead of believing in the efficacy of self-interest, as it is the case today with many politicians, Machiavelli believed in the power of virtu. But this virtu was in him before getting distributed to the princes he advised and the people he described. For Machiavelli, virtu does not consist in having a virtuous character, as for Aristotle. “Virtu” here is a quality of human art which enables its actual possessor to perform acts conducive to the good of the political organization of the society. Far from being an Aristotelian phronesis, the Machiavelli’s concept of virtu refers to the ability which enables a private person to become most public of all persons, the founder of a political entity. The main idea here is that the foundation and transformation of politics occurs through the human exercise of the powers of choice. And as for political choice, it is a way of fighting superfluity in politics, if it is true that we choose politically only from the inner world of public realm and only when we are in the company of other people. What does follow from this is that we make ourselves what we are through our political choices. On the other hand, in light of the unpredictability of politics, which underscores our uncertainty about the future, the renewable meaning of foundational and initiating action is the only thing that can offer human beings a way out of contingency and relativism.

As we can see the original character of Machiavelli’s political thought emerges by contrast to Aristotle’s conception of the best regime. Machiavelli opposes his idea of indirect government to the classical notion of direct regime (politeia) as presented in the third book of Aristotle’s Politics and known to him from Livy and Polybius. The best regime, which is the theme of classical political philosophy does not exist according to Machiavelli, neither does the natural right that would be required to elaborate the best regime. This is to say that Machiavelli’s concern is with actual regimes and not with the common good. Also, Machiavelli abandons the Greek classification of six regimes and adopts the roman tradition of the distinction between republics and principalities. But in making use of this distinction, he affirms that politics is too varied to be determined by human nature. The fundamental fact for Machiavelli does not reside in the question “Who rules?” but in the question “How one rules?”. When a founder makes a regime entirely anew so as to acquire glory for himself, he incidentally believes that “the true political way of life and the true quiet of a city” would prevail. It is Machiavelli’s argument that human things are in motion and therefore human affairs must rise or sink. Change cannot be avoided but the political skill of men must be devoted to make themselves safe within this change. However, adds Machiavelli, “Men cannot make themselves safe without power”. This is why he suggests an expansion of human power. Instead of using the model of six classical governments to signify the circular inevitability of good and bad in politics, Machiavelli calls for a “perpetual republic” as the condition of progress of all mankind. By “perpetual republic” he understands the expansion of the power of execution. Since nature gives men knowledge without the faculty of execution, men must execute on their own, they must not wait for help from God or nature. God or nature not helping men to execute power, therefore no natural law or natural right are behind the sphere of politics. In other words, the modern doctrine of sovereignty begins in Machiavelli’s appropriation of the power that men had been said to exercise in executing God’s will. By using his concept of “stato”, Machiavelli creates a fundamental challenge to the tradition of the theological-political. Even if stato is always the advantage of someone or a group of people over others, Machiavelli’s state is yet impersonal. The arte dello stato that Machiavelli says that he has been studying for 15 years in the letter of December 10, 1513 to Francesco Vettori, is the impersonal art of maintaining power. For Machiavelli, lo stato (the state) is the arena of stability which humans can construct as a defense against the natural changeability of circumstances. As Machiavelli presents it clearly in his Florentine Histories (II,I): “ unhealthy countries become healthy by means of a multitude of men that seizes them at a stroke; they cleanse the earth by cultivation and purge the airs with fires, things that nature could never provide”. In addition to this, in the best-known lines of The Prince ( chapter 7), Machiavelli assets “that the principal foundations all states have, new ones as well as old or mixed, are good laws and good arms”. In other words, according to Machiavelli, the true founders, deserving the highest praise, combine force and law. The control over unforeseen events thus requires both good laws and good arms. However, while law is not sufficient by itself, for the reason that “all unarmed prophets fail”, force also has only limited efficacy. The state, then, is ought to be the domain of stability in the chaotic realm of natural changes and human passions. So unlike the classics, Machiavelli believes that politics is an unnatural body created by human art. To understand this point , one has to bear in mind that Machiavelli’s political theory presents itself as “secular” and this-worldly, moreover, its practical application entails a new ontological dimension. This new political ontology opened by Machiavelli can thus be viewed as a moment of transition to modernity. Machiavelli foresees the basic principles of modernity without abandoning the wisdom of the ancients. When Machiavelli remarks in the dedication to The Prince that his knowledge is based on “long experience with modern things and a continuous reading of ancient ones”, he implies that knowledge of the antiquity is relevant to modern times. Machiavelli explains his focus on ancient things as an attempt to show that his contemporaries are wrong to believe that the pagan Romans are impossible to imitate. Yet, one must not forget that even if Machiavelli places the prudential rules of the ancients for the intelligent leader, unlike Hobbes he does not replace traditional Christian thinking as the foundation of political obedience. Without entering into details, it should suffice to contrast the way Hobbes and Machiavelli utilize the biblical texts. In The Prince, the account of Moses in Exodus is used to provide an exemplar of the entirely new prince as a human leader. In parts 3 and 4 of Leviathan, Hobbes tries to show that his political theory is consistent with the biblical texts if they are read as humanly written. This is to say, that Machiavelli’s secularism could be understood in his way of understanding religion as a practical instrument in the hand of the political leaders. Machiavelli understands religion not as a yearning for perfection in God but rather as an attempt to control chance. According to Machiavelli, religion is a weakness that can bring strength to the leaders. Since men fear God and ask for his mercy, this is also a way for asking the mercy of virtuous men without feeling the need to directly do so. Therefore,religion empowers those who claim to have a knowledge of the other world, for only those can guide a fearful man to perform the actions which will lead him to redemption of his human condition – and, therefore, to the end of fear. Thus Machiavelli sees religion as a weakness that can be manipulated by the virtuous leader. This appropriation of religion is operated by the instrumentalization of men’s religious belief. Therefore, Machiavelli goes beyond the logic of theological-political and appropriates religion as an instrument of state-building. He frees human morality and human political from under the shadow of God. Such a view clearly implies that for Machiavelli the foundations of political morality are secular. The Machiavellian world is an order which values only action; it is a vita activa and not a vita contemplativa. It is a sphere of action where men are forced to leave their old way of life and make a new life. It is a world of political beginnings. The sphere of beginning leads, then, to the question of the scope and use of human choice. The central question here is that of the self-constitution of the political as the moment of beginning of the state. For Machiavelli, the ends of political life are the foundation and the holding of the res publica , or in other words the stability of the state and the maintenance of order and general prosperity. The only possibility consistent with such situation would be the formation and education of a new elite, capable of understanding the complexities of modern politics. It should be recalled that for Machiavelli, there are three kinds of intelligence: “one that understands by itself, another that discerns what others understand, the third that understands neither by itself nor through others” (The Prince, chapter 22). Machiavelli seems to counsel the political elite that “discern what others understand”. One way of maintaining control of the political entity is to institute a secular form of government. This would allow the elite to govern without being morally bound to religious precepts. Machiavelli actively promoted a secular form of politics, because according to him a secular form of government is a more realistic type of political invention. Through Machiavelli, one comes to realize that what is essential about the political is actually contained in its republican form, in the republic as the "rule of law," and not in its princely form. The primary question here concerns that of the production of the political itself. The analysis of the relation between constituent power and constituted power. In thinking about the self-institution of the political from the horizon of the eventual Machiavelli seeks the way to overcome the two fundamental theoretical limits of the logic of the theological-political : its lack of a theory of the political ; and it does not rely on a history of events. Machiavelli returns to the pagans beyond the onto-theological in order to find a way to conceive of history in terms of a political theory of events, where these events are thought of as the encounter of the political with the real movement of the society.

It is not too much to say that with Machiavelli the European political thought reaches at certain points an extraordinary emancipation from religious authority and medieval conception of man. But in order to free his world from the tyranny of the past and from the dominion of the medieval writings, Machiavelli consults the ancient world. Further than this, for Machiavelli to consult the classics is not only a great intellectual adventure, but also a way of equalling perhaps the political achievements and the philosophical prowess of the ancient days. Thes ideas upon the classical world and the historical process are the philosophical background which gives a true originality to the work of Machiavelli. In the light of them and the conclusions arrived at by Machiavelli, it becomes the more remarkable that reading his writings in Tehran would help us to understand the Machiavellian idea of “beginning in politics” as a way of leaving behind our own Machiavellism. We cannot see the true character of Machiavelli’s thought unless we free ourselves from the influence of Machiavellism in our own history. To do justice to Machiavelli in Iran and to have a better understanding of his views we need to look back to the Iranian tradition of Machiavellism and to reflect on the political teachings of its representatives.

Perhaps the most towering figure in the Iranian tradition of Machiavelism is Nizam al-Mulk Tusi who was a well-known minister of the Saljuk king Sultan Malek Shah. Nizam-Al-Mulk drew up a set of protocols for the governance of the empire called the Siyasat Nameh, the two most influential institutions of which were the offices of atabeg, and the right of iqta. Atabegs were military advisers to young princes who frequently ended up usurping the power entrusted to them, while iqta was a grant of the income from land to an official who was entrusted with its running. In theory no ownership in the land passed but in practice large hereditary estates developed. Both these institutions led to a massive decentralization of power and this in turn facilitated and prolonged the factional fighting which characterized the Seljuk period of power. The Book of Government is a voluminous treatise on kingship in which Nizam Al- Mulk undermines the authority of the Abbasid Caliph and renews the ancient Persian claim of divine authority of the kings. It is said that in the year 1091 Sultan Malek Shah instructed some of his dignitaries to write down the principles of political conduct that were followed by kings in the past and were required to be observed by himself. The political treatise of Nizam Al- Mulk among the works presented to the Sultan was the only one which was approved and adopted as a guide. As in the case of Machiavelli, 400 years later, who relates his theory of political action with the cyclical thery of history, the political maxims which Nizam Al-Mulk lays down as the guiding principles for the successful administration of the State, are, in fact, induced from the study of history. For Nizam Al-Mulk, any event which ever happens to take place in the world has occurred already several times. Nizam Al-Mulks historical methodology goes from the present to the past and not the reverse. As a matter of fact, he first draws conclusions from the observations of the conditions around him and then turns them back to the past. Therefore, the treatment ofhistory squares well with the object of hois political theory which is to theorize the institution of kingship in Iran. This makes us to look upon Nizam Al-Mulk’s Siyasat Nameh as the first rational exposition of the Persian political theory. From the very first paragraph of his book Nizam Al-Mulk takes it for granted that the real source from which the king derives his authority, in theory and practice, is not the institution of the Caiphate. He puts it in clear words when he says: “ In every age and time God chooses one member of the human race and, having endowed him with goodly and kingly virues, entrusts him with the interests of the world and the well-being of His servants; He charges that person to close the doors of corruption, confusion and discord, and He imparts to him such dignity and majesty in the eyes and hearts of men, that under his just rule they may live in constant security and ever wish for his reign to continue” ( translation by Hubert Drake,Page 9). What Nizam Al-Mulk is implying here is that the kingly office is essentialy of divine origin as well as hereditary, and should pass, like the kingship in ancient Persia, from father to son. Nizam Al-Mulk goes on to say that the ultimate object to which the king should direct his efforts is to create and maintain social and political conditions so that people “may passs their time in the shadow of his justice”. What Nizam Al-Mulk is attemting to set out here is indeed to revive the Persian notion of absolute monarchy and he seks to shape it on the work of the ancients. It appears that his aim in stressing the absolute superiority of the king is to introduce a central authority in the political system of the Saljuks, the majority of whom were not fully accustomed to the priciples of state-building. All this results in another important question, namely, the place that religion must have, according to Nizam Al-Mulk, both in the conduct of a king and in the everyday political life of the people.Unlike Machiavelli’s prince , who is advised to handle eligion merely as a useful instrument for achieving political ends, and who is taught to appear rather than become religious, Nizam Al-Mulk’s prince is taught to believe sinceely in religious ruths, and to exercise political power as an essential mens of finding a reconciliation between the old Persian ideals of kingship and the Muslim political ideology. According to Nizam al-Mulk, the State and religion are dependent upon each other for their existence; therefore the king must treat must treat them alike as two brothers. “Whenever there is any disorder in the State”, says Nizam Al-Mulk, “there is confusion in the religion of its people also, and the heretics and mischief-makers make their appearance. And whenever religious affairs are disturbed, the State is thrown into disorder, the mischief-makers grow strong, and heresy makes itself manifest”. It is , then, a practical necessity that leads Nezam Al-Mulk to insist on the essentially religious character of the king’s authority. The moral obligations he sets on the absolute authority of the king prevent it from growing into an oppressive despotism. Viewed in this perspective, one can say that Nizam Al-Mulk’s importance as a political thinker must rest not on his practical suggestions to the king, but on his moral and political principles of kingship in Iran. This raises , of course, once again, the question of reading Machiavelli in Iran today. Machiavelli would , I think, be mostly interested and perplexed by the return of the theological-political on the scene of modern politics. After all, reading Machiavelli in the present situation, in a country like Iran , where the political is dominated by the theological, is a way of learning to distinguish between the realm of what ought to be and the realm of what is.Machiavelli, certainly, rejected the first for the second. Machiavelli’s political realism, like that of NizamAl-Mulk could be answer to the reign of the theological in politics, but it is surely not a democratic and humanistic solution to our problems. This is why we need to look for a third realm between the political realism and the radical idealism: that could be the realm of the possible. It is in that realm that what one might call a democratic and secular humanism can lie. After all. if politics is the art of possible, the measure of man is in his ability to extend this sphere within the scope of democratic values. As Isaiah Berlin used to say: “It is on earth that we live and it is here that we must believe and act”.

by:Ramin Jahanbegloo

Thursday, November 4, 2010

By: prof ghulam mohyuddin wani
islamic golden age scientific establishments

by prof dr,drmed.vet ghulam mohyuddin wani

MORDERN LIBRARY SYSTEM

The invention of paper was the fist gift of the muslim civilization and culture to the world.The first book published in this world was under the golden muslim rule.The mordern refernce and library system started with the muslim scholars assembling and arranging the saying of Hazrate Mohammad[SAW].The sayings commonly called as AH HADIS were athenticated and proved through literrray and physical surveys.This was infact the atsrt of research and investigation in the art of science and literature in this mordern world.some authore say that the European Renaisance was an imitation of the muslim culture and educational systems ,some qoutes in the literature are as,

"OF the advances in science, literature, and trade which took place during the Golden Age of the 'Abbasids and which would provide the impetus for the European Renaissance reached their flowering during the caliphate of al-Mamun"The futher evidences have been quoted in literature by the historians as

'Abbasids preserved and improved the ancient network of wells Muslim scholars also made important and original contributions to, underground canals, and waterwheels, introduced new breeds of livestock, hastened the spread of cotton, and, from the Chinese, learned the art of making paper, a key to the revival of learning in Europe in thThe Golden Age also, little by little, transformed the diet of medieval Europe by introducing such plants as plums"These narrations clearly depict that the mordern world irrigation system ,book printing and agriculture are the inventions of the muslims during their spectecular age of developmnet.Thus Islam came as a system of scinece and culture intermixed,how come it is regarded as a religion of supression of women and culture.

Islamic history has the distinction of coming to the world scene to recognize existence of women and the survival of girl child.The first women murderd by the kaffirs of macca was none else than a women who had escaped live burrial as his father could not dare to burry her thisrd girl child one after the other and left home in shame but did not kill her girl,This women became the first shaheed in the muslim world and prepatuated islam and peace.

MODERN ADMINISTRATION AND BUREAUCRACY

The much cursed bureaucracy and administrative manuplations are also ascribed to the muslim era of their golden age,herein under we reproduce the web writings of famous scholars on the establishmnet of administrative refomrs by muslims in the world.The trucks and suljuks were the first rulers of this world who introduced adminstration and ways of recoding the proceedings of the state.Awell net translaters and libraries were installed.Arabis and persian came to be recognized as the official language of the muslim sdministrative set ups.This remianed as the poten system of governence and land record system in far east china and indian states too.

we in In dia have still the old pashkars and munshies as well known arabic and persian script writers.Following is the extracts from some web writtings of the historian of those times to prove our point





Turkish mode of administration



" Turkish generals had gained considerable, decisive, power in Mesopotamia and Egypt during the tenth and eleventh centuries. The coming of the Seljuks signaled the first large-scale penetration of the Turkish elements into the Middle East. Descended from a tribal chief named Seljuk, whose homeland lay beyond the Oxus River near the Aral Sea, the Seljuks not only developed a highly effective fighting force but also, through their close contacts with Persian court life in Khorasan and Transoxania, attracted a body of able administrators. Extending from Central Asia to the Byzantine marches in Asia Minor, the Seljuk state under its first three sultans- Tughril Beg, Alp-Arslan, and Malikshah- established a highly cohesive, well-administered Sunni state under the nominal authority of the 'Abbasid caliphs at Baghdad.

NIZAM -AL-MULK.

These administraters came to be known as nizamul mulk that those who manage the country,thus by this analogy the today bussiness administration has its roots in Islam culture and educational systems.

One of the administrators, the Persian Nizam-al-Mulk, became one of the greatest statesmen of medieval Islam. For twenty years, especially during the rule of Sultan Malikshah, he was the true custodian of the Seljuk state. In addition to having administrative abilities, he was an accomplished stylist whose book on statecraft, Siyasat-Namah, is a valuable source for the political thought of the time. In it he stresses the responsibilities of the ruler: for example, if a man is killed because a bridge is in disrepair, it is the fault of the ruler, for he should make it his business to apprise himself of the smallest negligences of his underlings. Nizam-al-Mulk, furthermore, was a devout and orthodox Muslim who established a system of madrasahs or theological seminaries (called nizamiyah after the first element of his name) to provide students with free education in the religious sciences of Islam, as well as in the most advanced scientific and philosophical thought of the time.

Wednesday, September 29, 2010

Chapter XXXVIII
NIZAM AL-MULK TUSI
Nizam al-hulk Tusi was born in 408/1018' and died in 485/1092. He was not only a minister of the Saljiuls for the last thirty years of his life, a scholar,2
and a patron of arts and sciences, but also the founder' of the famous Univer¬sity styled after his name the Niutmiyyah.
He lived in an age which witnessed the lowest degradation of the Caliphate, following its transformation during a period of threw centuries,' from a democ-racy into an autocracy and from autocracy into a mere puppetry in the hands of powerful masters. That period also saw the fall of the Ghaznawid Empire and the Buwaihid Kingdom, and the rise of the Saljiigs after their victory over the Ghaznawids in 431/1040, when their nomadic life changed into the life of a gigantic empire, extending from the Oxus and the Jaxartes to the Bosplrorus. It was an age of change and fusion of social and political ideas and institutions, specially in that part of the Muslim world in which Nizam al-Mulk lived and worked. The rise of the Persian element in political power in the early period of the 'Abbasids was followed by a gradual revival of the Persian political institutions under the patronage of the Samanids, the Ghaznawids, and then of the Saljugs. These institutions in their turn, together with their theoretical foundations, came to be assimilated by Muslim thought. For this assimilation no battle of ideas was ever fought; it came as a process of cultural development in which Nizam al-Mulk stood as one of the representatives of Persian culture, with a bias towards Islamic thought.
Nizam al-Mulk was not really his name. It was a title of honour conferred upon him by his Saljuq master, Alp Arslin, after his appointment as a minister. His name was abu 'Ali Hasan, and his father's name was abu a]¬Hasan 'Ali, who belonged to a family of landowners (dihgans)5 of Radhkan,6 a small town in the suburb of Tus where Nizam al-Mulk was born. In the days
' According to ibn Funduq 'Ali b. Zaid al-Baihagi, he was born in 470/1019-20; see Tarkh-i Baihaqi, ed. Ahmad Bahman-Yar, Ch hp Khanah-i Qanun, Teheran, 1317/1938, p. 76.
2 Ibn al-Ateir, al-Kamil fi al-TariL, Bulaq, 1290/1874, Vol. X, p. 77.
3 Bundari, Zubdat al-Nuarah w-al-Nukhbat al-'Usrah. ed. M. Th. Houtsma, Leiden, 1889, p. 33.
• For a detailed description, see T. W. Arnold, The Caliphate, 0. U. P., Oxford, 1924, Chapters IV, VI; A. H. Siddigi, Caliphate and Kingship in Medieval Persia, Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, Lahore, 1942, Chaps. I & II.
• Shams al-Din abu al-'Abbas ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-A'yan, Bulaq, 1299/ 1882, Vol. 1, p. 179.
• 'Abd al-Karim b. Muhammad al-Sam'ani, Kitab al-Ansab, Gibb Memorial Series, Leiden/London, 1912, fol. 242a.
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A History of Muslim Philosophy
of the Ghaznawids his father was appointed a tax-collector of Tns by abu
al-Fall Sari, who was the Governor of Khurasan.7
His early education started with the study of Tradition (Hadith) and
jurisprudence (Fiqh); and as his father wanted him to take up the legal profession for his future career, he was put under the care of 'Abd al-Samad
Fundfiraji,9 who was a profound scholar of Law.9
In the famous "Tale of the Three School-Fellows," it is related of him that
in his school days in Nishapifr, where he was sent to attend the lectures of Imam Muwaffaq, he made friends with two boys, who later became eminent personalities. One was'Umar IKhayyam, the great poet and astronomer, and the other Hasan b. Sabbab, the founder of the Batiniyyah sect of the Assassins. Research by the late Sayyid Sulaiman Nadawi makes it unnecessary to discuss this controversial point10 of Nizam al-Mulk's life. This tale, he proves, is a fabrication. From what the author of Tarikh-i Baihaqi relates about Nizam's family on the reliable authority of his grandfather Shaikh al-Islam Amirak, who had seen Nizam al-Mulk in his boyhood, it may be concluded that it was after he had reached the age of maturity and not in his early years, and after his father had been relieved of financial worries" that he was able to attend Imam Muwaffaq's lectures in order to complete his higher studies.
His studies over, he travelled to Bukhara and Merv, and to a number of towns1S in Transoxiana, most probably in search of a post, and after 441/104913 he went to Gkaznah, where he sought service with the Ghaznawids, thus
getting an opportunity to acquaint himself with their administration. When Sultan 'Abd al-Raid was murdered in 444/1052 and the political affairs
were upset, he escaped to Balkh and entered the service of 'Ali b. Sbadhan!° who was then the governor of that province on behalf of the Saljiiq ruler
7 Ibn Funduq, op. cit., pp. 78--79.
8 Not Fandarahi as in the Nasd'ije-i KAwajah Nizdm al-Mink (MS. British Museum, Or. 256, fol. 7a), or Qandnzi as in the Dastdr al- Wuzard' (MS. B. M. Add. 26. 267, fol. 5a), but Funduraji as in Sam'ani, op. cit., fol. 432a, and in
abu al-Hasan 'Ali b. Hasan al.Bakharzi, Dumyat al-Qasr, ed. Muhammad Raghib Tabbakh, Aleppo, 1349/1930, p. 213.
9 Wafdya.i Khwajah Nizdm al-Mulk, Bombay, 1305/1887, p. 6.
10 Sayyid Sulaiman Nadawi, Khayydm, Ma'arif Press, Azamgarh, 1933, pp. 1-50. For further study, see E. D. Ross, A Biographical Introduction to the Rubd'iydt of Omar Khayydm, tr. Fitzgerald, Methuen, London, 1900, Part II, pp. 38, 76; E. G. Browne, A Literary History o/ Persia, London, 1915, 2nd ed., Vol. II, pp. 190-93; Arnold and Nicholson, Eds., A Volume of Oriental Studies Presented to
E. G. Browne, Cambridge University Press, 1922, pp. 409-12; H. Bowen, "The Sargudhasht-i Sayyidna," JBAS, London, Oct. 1931, Part V, pp. 773-76.
11 Ibn Funduq, op. cit., pp. 79-82.
19 Ibn al-At_hir, op. cit., Vol. X, p. 77.
13 'Abd al-Razzaq K8npuri, Nizdm al-Mulk Tusi, Agra 1912, p. 59.
14 T5j al-Din abu Nasr 'Abd al-Wahhab al-Subki, Tabagdt al-!Mdh'iyyah, ed.
Abmad b. 'Abd al-Karim, Husainiyyah Press, Cairo, 1324/1906, Vol. III, p. 136.
Nizam al-Mulk TOsi
Chaghari Beg Dawad. Annoyed with the habits of this man, who extorted
heavy sums from him every year,36 he fled to Merv; there Chaghari Beg
appointed him the mu_shir (counsellor) and the kdtib (secretary)16 of his son,
Alp Arslan. It was on the advice of 'Ali b. Shadhan37 that Alp Arslin,
after his accession to the throne in 455/1062, raised him to the position of a
Joint Minister with 'Amid al-Mulk Kunduri. But Kunduri was soon deposed
and then put to death, it is said,18 on the advice of Nizam al-hulk, who had then become the full-fledged Prime Minister of the Saljuq Empire.
He became the real master of the whole realm with the succession of Malik¬ahah to his father's throne in 465/1072, which he owed entirely to Nizam
al-Mulk's efforts." From the capital of the Saljiiqs, his influence spread to the capital of the 'Abbasid Caliph, who is said to have dignified him with the title of Radi-u Amir al-Mu'minin, never before conferred on a vizier.20 He had done much to stabilize the power of the Saljuqs, and to improve their administration, and, therefore, when Malikshah once threatened him with dismissal he dared to reply that the kingship was linked with his vizierate.21
In his last days, he came into collision with the Isma'iliyyah movement of Hasan b. Sabbab, in whose activities he saw danger to the SaljUq Empire. He had actually once deputed abu Muslim Radi to arrest Hasan,82 but abu Muslim was himself assassinated by one of the /tdd'is (the Assassins) in 485/ 1092.
It will be in place here to refer to the two Persian works of Nizam al-Mulk, which are the chief sources for the study of his political ideas: the Siydsat
Ndmeh (The Book on Statecraft) and the Dastdr al- Wuzard' (The Conduct of Ministers) or, as it is more generally known, the Wasdya-i Khwdjah Ni.dm
al-Mulk (The Precepts of Khwajah Nizam al-Mulk). He is said to have written yet another work entitled as Sa/ar Ndmeh (The Book of Travels) which is now extinct.23 Certain changes and additions may have been made to the original text in a later period, but the Siydsat Ndmeh has generally been recognized as the genuine composition of Nizam al-Mulk himself. There has been some controversy among scholars about the authenticity of the Wasdya on account of the doubtful "Tale of the Three School-Fellows," which has


Is Ibn Khallikan, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 179.
I9 Taqi KbAn, Ganj-i Ddnia_h, Teheran, 1305/1887, p. 350.
17 Al-Subki, op. cit., p. 136; Sadr al-Din abu al-Hasan 'Ali b. Nasir, Aidr al-Daulat al-Saljugiyyah, ed. Muhammad Igbal, Lahore, 1933.
11 Sadr al-Din, op. cit., p. 25.
19 Hamd Allah Mustau6, Tarikh-i Guzidah, Gibb Memorial Series, London, 1910, Vol. I, p. 443; Hindu Shah b. Sanjar b. 'Abd Allah, Tajdrib al-Salaf, ed. 'Abbas Igbal, Teheran, 1313/1934, p. 280.
20 Waadya, p. 37.
81 Sadr al-Din, op. cit., p. 69; Hindu lah, op. cit., p. 280.
11 'Ala al-Din 'Ata Malik al-Juwaini, T4rik_h.i Jahan-Gus_ha, Gibb Memorial
Series, London, 1937, Vol. 11, p. 193.
21 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., pp. 72-73.
I

748
749
A History of Muslim Philosophy
Nizam al-Mulk Tusi
been set out in detail in the preface of the treatise. There is no need to revive this half a century old ccntroversy24 as it has nothing to do with the study of his political thought. The Wasaya is not claimed to be the composition of Nizam al-Mulk himself in the sense in which the Siydsat Ndmeh is considered to be his work. It was compiled in the ninth/fifteenth25 century by an anony¬mous person whose family, as he claims in the preface, descended from Nizam al-Mulk. He compiled it partly from the books and partly from the oral tradi¬tions handed down in his own family.26 Therefore, the anecdotes cited in it begin invariably with the phrase, "So says Khwajah Nizam al-Mulk." The preface, which is one of the reliable sources of Nizam al-MuLk's life, is evidently from the pen of the compiler. But the other two chapters, which form the main part of the work and contain much valuable material on the political ideas of this famous vizier, are composed from his own authentic writings and utterances. It has been justly remarkedE7 that there is no internal evi¬dence in the main part of the work to show that it does not owe its contents to his pen. A large part of the Wasaya may be regarded as the actual utter¬ances of Nizam al-Mulk.28
We are fortunate in having these two important works of Nizam al-Mulk representing his thoughts about kingship and vizierate, which were the two political institutions of primary importance in his days. The Siyasat Nameh, which is the exposition of his theory of kingship, was originally written to serve as a "monarch's primer."29 It is said that in 484/109130 Sultan Malikshah (r. 465/1072-485/1092) instructed some of his dignitaries to think over the state of affairs in his realer and write down the principles of conduct that were followed by monarchs in the past, and were required to be observed by himself. 31 The treatise of Nizam al-Mulk among the works presented to the Sul¬tan was the only one which he approved of and adopted as a guide (imam).32 But it must not be treated as a mere handbook of day-to-day administration. Nor must it be regarded as containing simply practical suggestions for the improvement of an administrative system. It is more than that. It is, in fact,
24 E. G. Browne, op. cit., London, 1915, Vol. II, p. 212; Muhammad Igbal, "Wasaya-i Nizam al-Mulk," Oriental College Magazine, Lahore, Nov. 1927, Vol. IV, No. 1, pp. 1-8; Sulaiman Nadawi, op. cit., pp. 12-14; H. Bowen, op. cit., Part IV,
pp. 776-78.
25 Charles Rieu, Notes on the Wasaya, MSS. British Museum, Or. 256, & Add.
26-267; Catalogue of the Persian Manuscripts in the British Museum, 1879, Vol. I, p. 446.
22 Nafd'ih, MS., British Museum, Or. 256 fol. 5b.
27 Sulaiman Nadawi, op. cit., p. 12. 22 H. Bowen, op. cit., p. 778.
29 Idem, "Nizam al-Mulk," Encyclopaedia of Islam, London, 1936, Vol. III, p. 934.
30 Siyasat Nameh, ed. Ch. Schefer, L'Ecole des Langues Orientales Vivantes,
Paris, 1891, p.1.
2' Ibid., pp. 8, 210. 32 Ibid., p. 2.
the expression of a realistic political theory which emerges out of an actual political situation, and, therefore, helps us to understand the stage in the development of Muslim polity reached in the fifth/eleventh century.
The Wasdya is the exposition of his theory of vizierate. It consists of the counsels which he is said to have addressed in the "last days of his life,"33 to his eldest son, Fakhr al-Mulk, who also held the office of vizier under the Saljfiq Sultans Barkiyaruq and Sanjar, and was assassinated, like his father, by a Batini3' in 500/1106.
It is fairly easy to present Nizam al-Mulk as one who largely differs from the past writers of political treatises and from his contemporaries, both in his selection of the political institutions which foren the subject-matter of his writings, and in his approach to those institutions. The method adopted by him in explaining the principles of State administration throws light on his outlook about the political situation in his days. His approach and outlook regarding the political problems are, indeed, interrelated. A modern scholar, author of a pioneer work on Muslim political thought, regards his method as "historical." "If it is possible," he writes, "to label the Khwajah's method with any particular epithet, it is that his method is, to a large extent, histo-rical."36 He considers it historical because "in nearly every case he proves the truth of a principle which he chooses to propound, on the touchstone of tra-dition or historical facts, though some of the facts he relates are not chrono¬logically correct."36 But it is in a limited sense that his approach can be regarded as historical. It is true that he makes reiterated references to history. But this is not all that makes the historical method what it really is. This method does not consist exclusively in citing historical instances. That is only a pre¬liminary. The historical method consists basically in drawing conclusions objectively from the study of historical facts. The political maxims which Nizam al-hulk lays down as the guiding principles for the successful adminis¬tration of the State, are, in fact, the inductive generalizations from the study of history. They are, indeed, empirical conclusions drawn from his personal experience of practical politics and from his observation of existing conditions. "No event," he believes, "ever happens to take place in the world which might not have occurred already several times. As one might have read, or known, or heard about the circumstances a particular event had brought in, one can surmise the consequences that would follow it in case it happens to
occur again."37
In effect, he is arguing that history repeats itself, but instead of proceeding


37 Nayyir-i Rakhshan, Nawwab Dia al-Din Ahmad Khan of Delhi. Notice
prefixed to the Nasa'ih, or Wasaya, MS. British Museum Or. 256, fol. 2a.
34 'Ata Malik Juwaini, op. cit., p. 186.
35 H. K. Sherwani, Studies in Muslim Political Thought and Administration,
Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, Lahore, 1945, 2nd ed., p. 131.
26 Ibid.
91 Wasaya, p. 52.
I i
750
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A History of Muslim Philosophy
Nizam al-Mulk Tusi
from the past to the present he follows a reverse course when he first draws conclusions from the observation of the conditions around him and then turns them back upon the past. History, for him, is not the solution of problems, but the endorser of preconceived solutions. The essence of his approach to the political issue lies in the blend of the historical method and the method of observation. Though not very successful in following the historical method, he may be regarded as the most historically-minded writer on political topics both among his predecessors and his contemporaries.
This treatment of history squares well with the object with which he pro¬ceeds to formulate a particular political theory. He is concerned with theorizing those institutions and their principles and problems which had developed into an actual political constitution, resting mainly on the Sultanate (kingship) and the vizierate, and to bring them to their possible perfection by suggesting practical reforms. He makes ample use of the past and contemporary history to give his personal ideas the appearance of historical facts.
The political institutions of which he speaks had real roots in the political life of the peoples who inhabited a large part of the eastern lands of the 'Abbasid Caliphate, mostly non-Arab races. Most of those institutions had existed there long before the Great Saljags came to adopt them, and still much earlier than they could find their theoretical exposition in the writings of Nizam al-Mulk. The absolute monarchy, for instance, the office of vizierate, the monarchical form of administration of justice, the feudal system, the order of courtiers, the system of espionage, etc., were the institutions handed down by ancient Persia to the successive generations. Though modified in some respects under the influence of the new Muslim political theory, those political institutions had, nevertheless, succeeded in preserving much of their original Persian character, and exerting, in their turn, a good deal of influence both on the political thought of the indigenous people even after their conversion to Islam as well as on the political system, largely of Persian origin, that Nizam al-Mulk seeks to set out. This makes us look upon his writings as the earliest exposition of what may be called the Persian political theory.
Side by side with this political theory, but with different notions and with a different approach to political problems, there existed the constitutional theory of the Arab jurists of whom Mawardi°B (c. 364/974-450/1058), the author of the Ahkdm al-Sulfdniyyah, was the most eminent. Among this small group of jurists mention must be made of abu Ya'la (380/990-458/1066), a contemporary of Mawardi, and author of another Ahkdm al-Sultdniyyah,°° and of Imam al-Haramain al-Juwaini (419/1028-478/1085), an intimate friend9° of
z° Abu al-Hasan 'Ali b. Muhammad al-Mawardi, al-Ahkam al-Sultaniyyah, ed. R. Enger, Bonn, 1835.
°° Muhammad b. Husain abu Ya1a al-Farra', al-Ahkam al-Sultaniyyah, ed. Muhammad Hemid al-Faqqi, Cairo, 1357/1938.
°° lVasdya, p.13.
Nizam al-Mulk, whose treatise Ghiyatk al-Umamir has not yet seen the light of the day. (As political thinkers, the two have not yet been properly studied by students of the history of Muslim constitutional theory 92) While the Persian political theory attempts to throw light on the sovereign powers of the king, by analysing the institutions characteristic of this royal office, the consti¬tutional theory puts forward the doctrine of Caliphate. It will be in place here to look into the general nature of the juristic approach to the political problems, and more especially to the institution of kingship, which Nizam
al-Mulk also treats, with even greater interest. This will help us to appreciate the realistic element in his thought and approach.
In the first instance, these two sets of contemporary theories, one of the jurists and the other of an administrator, differ in their subject=matter. A comparison of the contents of the two treatises of Nizam al-Mulk with those, for example, of the Ahkdm al-Suldaniyyah of Mawardi, would hardly make one regard the two writers as dealing with the problem and institutions of the same political community living in the same age. Of the office of the Khali/ah, his powers and qualifications, the method of his election, the division of vizierate between the unlimited vizierate (wizarat tafwid) and the limited vizierate (wizarat tan/idh), the legal difference between their powers, the economic institutions of jizyah (poll-tax), zakdt (tax on the accumulated pro¬perty), jai' (goods taken from the unbelievers), kardj (land-tax), and of so many other institutions of religio-political character, which form the chapter heads of the Ahk4m al-Sultdniyyah, the author of the Siyasai Ndmeh and the Wa sya makes no mention at all. And, likewise, most of the topics discussed by NizAm al-Mulls have been avoided by Mawardi and other jurists, except the offices of the Sultan and vizier, which they treat on a different plane of thought. In. their constitutional theory, the Sultan occupies a position
which is quite different from what he actually enjoyed in the political set-up of those days.
To treat the Sultan as a governor by usurpation (amir bi al-istild') is to bring him down to the position of the other provincial governors appointed by the Caliph. This amounts to arguing, as they seem to do, that the Sultan did actually derive his powers from the "Imperial" authority of the Caliph. They leave actual facts out of account by putting the main emphasis on the formal legitimization of the Sultan's authority by the Khali/ah, which was but an insignificant aspect of their mutual relations. In doing so, they are apt
41 Imam al-Haramain Abu al-Ma'ali 'Abd al-Malik b. 'Abd Allah, Qhiyalh al¬Umam, MS. Bankipur Library. There is a copy of this manuscript in the Seminar Library of the Law Department, Osmania University, Hyderabad Deccan, India.
1A For a study of their constitutional theories, see M. Ruknuddin Hassan's thesis: "'Ahd-i Salajigah-i 'Uzma ke Ba'd Mumtdz Siydai Mufakkir," Seminar Library of Political Science Department, Osmania University, Hyderabad Deccan, India.
752
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A History of Muslim Philosophy
to lose sight of his sovereign powers, which he enjoyed independently of the Caliph's assent.
This limitation of the juristic approach to contemporary politics was bound to arise from the fact that its exponents were building their argument on the foundations of the political order of the Caliphate, which had ceased to exist as a real force for about two hundred years. Deprived of any real power to shape the political life of the Muslims, the Caliphate, as a political system, continued, however, to exist in a theory which found its elaborate exposition in the writings of the juristic school of the fifth/eleventh century. But by interpreting the political fiction of the Caliphate in terms of political realities of their times, these jurists, regardless of the actual facts, were indoctrinating the people with the belief that the Caliph was still the real source of all author-ity. They were, thus, unable to appreciate the fact that it was the autocratic rule of the independent prince, and not that of the 'Abbasid Caliph, under which the people had actually been living; and they failed to see that by legiti¬mizing the authority of the Sultan, the Caliph only recognized his de facto sovereignty; and that this in practice did not render him subordinate to the Caliph. Their juristic theory could not take into full account the growth of absolute monarchy in the Muslim polity upon which a formidable political structure had come to rest.
It is this monarchical system of government developing under the aristo¬cratic rule of the prince, as against the constitutional structure of the Cali¬phate, that Nizam al-hulk attempts to study. His political theory represents a particular phase of the development of the Muslim polity which was cha¬racterized by kingship. As such, it is an essential part of his contribution to Muslim political thought.
The first thing remarkable about his exposition of the institution of kingship is that he is careful to make no reference to the Khalilah as the head of the Muslim political community, and to say nothing about the constitutional relations of the Saljiiq ruler with the 'Abbasid Caliph. He rarely uses the title of Sultan for the Saljuq King,93 and as for the term amir mustauli (governor by usurpation), it does not occur at all throughout his writings, both being the terms of the constitutional law employed by the jurists to denote the legal superiority of the Caliph over the prince. Instead, he generally calls his ruler pdds_hdh-a Persian term for the king. All this may reasonably be taken as a conscious effort on the part of Nizam al-Mulk to avoid any discussion or even a phrase which might involve any reference to the legal relations of the Caliph and the prince, for his object in studying the monarchical constitution of the Saljiiq Empire is to represent his royal master in his full independent position. To this political objective his Siyasat Ndmeh was expressly dedi¬cated, for it was composed at the instance of the great Saljuq ruler, Malik¬a_hah, as the Ahkdm al-Sultaniyyah, the earliest treatise on the constitutional
43 Siyasat Ndmeh, pp. 7, 65, 88; Wasaya, pp. 43, 44, 46.
Nizam al-Mulk Tusi
theory of the Caliphate had been written by Mawardi only forty years before
at the instance of an 'Abbasid Caliph44 to vindicate his claim to sovereign
authority. This indicates the existence of a theoretical conflict between the
powers of the Caliph and the king, which of course had been prompted by the
historical events which preceded it. Conscious of the growing weakness of
the Buwaihid dynasty in the beginning of the fifth/eleventh century, the
'Abbasid Caliph Qadir (381/991-422/1031) and his successor Qa'im (422/1031¬
467/1075), during whose rules the juristic theory of the Caliphate was formulat¬
ed, attempted to achieve independence from the tutelage of the Buwaihids.4s
On the other hand, the Saljugs, too, who had succeeded both the Buwaihids
and the 'Q aznawids after overthrowing their power, were no less keen to
assert the authority they had established at the point of the sword. In spite of
acknowledging the nominal authority of the Khala/ah,46 who, in turn, had
legitimized their rule and conferred upon them titles of honour,47 the Saljdgs
did not hesitate to inflict humiliation upon him whenever it was demanded
by the political situation. Kunduri, the vizier of Tughril Beg (d. 455/1062),
is said to have withheld the pension of the Caliph on his refusal to marry his
daughter to the Saljuq prince.4B On another occasion, Maliks_hah is said to have intended to banish the Caliph al-Mugtadi from Bagh_dad.49
Under this situation it was not possible for Nizam al-Mulk to make any mention of the Kallfah without recognizing him as the supreme authority
over his Saljuq prince. This would have been inconsistent with the objective he had in mind in writing his treatise.
His effort to avoid any discussion of the legal or political relations of the Caliph and the king is significant. He is seeking to defend his prince against
the theoretical encroachment on his independent position by the advocates of the Caliph's authority.
From the outset Nizam al-hulk seems to have taken it for granted that the real source from which the king derives his authority, in theory or in practice, is not the institution of the Caliphate. That point has been removed from the plan of discussion. The reason is not far to seek. As it was inconsistent with his political ends to recognize the Caliph as the supreme authority, so an explicit refutation of his claims in this respect would have made Nizam al-Mulk


44 Qadi Ahmad Man Ahbtar Junagarhi, "Al-MBwardi: A Sketch of His Life and Works," Islamic Culture, Hyderabad Deccan, India, July 1944, p. 298; H.. R. Gibb, "Mawardi's Theory of Khilafat"' Islamic Culture, July 1937, p. 292.
4S Gibb, op. cit.
46 Hamd Allah Mustaufi, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 437; Bundari, op. cit., p. 8.
17 Hamd Allah Mustaufi, op. cit., pp. 439, 449; Muhammad b. 'Ali b. Sulaiman Rawandi, Rabat al-Sudur, Gibb Memorial Series, Leiden, 1921, p. 105.
44 Rawandi, op. cit., p. 111.
49 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Ali b. Muhammad ibn al-Jauzi, al.Muntazam fi al-Tdrikh al-Muluk w-al-Cmam, Dairatul-Maarif, Hyderabad Deccan, India, 1359/1939, pp. 61-82; Qadi Ahmad b. Muhammad al-f affari, Tarik_h-i Nigaristan, Bombay, 1245/1829, Vol. IX, p. 122.
754
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A History of Muslim Philosophy
unnecessarily provoke a controversy about the powers of the two offices. To this dilemma he finds a solution in what may be called in modern language the theory of divine right the theory that the king enjoys the right to rule over his subjects by virtue of divine appointment. This becomes obvious from the study of the first chapters in the Siydsat Ndmeh, which mainly explain the divine nature of this institution, and its functions ordained by God. He puts it in very clear words when he says: "In every age God selects one from amongst mankind and adorns him with princely skills, and entrusts him with the affairs of the world and the comfort of the subjects."60 This is the remarkably simplified hypothesis of his theory of kingship; he does not argue to prove it, but simply states it as a self-evident truth. This proposition, as advanced by Nizam al-Mulk, suffers the logical weakness common to all the expositions of the divine right theory which set out this hypothesis as a jail accompli, to be simply accepted rather than to be argued. It is indeed a dogmatic belief rather than a rational proposition. It is, however, important for our purpose, because it serves to explain how Nizam al-Mulk comes to expound a political theory which is out and out a vindication of autocracy, and how he is led from the outset to reject the democratic principles enunciated by the advocates of the Caliphate.
After explaining the nature of the king's appointment, Nizam al-Mulk discusses the purposes of kingship in a political community. He argues the raison d'etre of this institution, and throws more light on its divine nature. The essential function which the king has to fulfil in human society is to bring order out of chaos, and to maintain peace and justice. This is what he means when he says, "if the people show any sign of disobedience or contempt towards the Sari`ah (the Canon-Law), or if they fail to obey God and to comply with His commands, then he intends to inflict punishment on them for their conduct.... Due to their sin they bring this wrath upon themselves. Benevolent kings disappear from amongst them. Swords are drawn and bloodshed follows; and whosoever is powerful does as he pleases, till the sinners are perished in those calamities and bloodshed.... Ultimately, power goes to one of the people whom God by His grace blesses with success according to his worth, and endows with wisdom and knowledge."b1
Then Nizam al-Mulk goes on to say that the ultimate object to which the king should direct his efforts is to create and maintain wholesome conditions so "that the people may live with comfort under the shadow of his justice."52
It amounts to a sort of "mystical" interpretation of historical changes, bringing about the rise and fall of rulers. The king has been represented here as an instrument of God's will, fulfilling a divine function in political upheavals. It is as a punishment for their disobedience that people are first deprived by the Almighty of the benevolent king. Then His wrath takes the shape of
50 Siynaat, p. 5. 51 Ibid., pp. 5-6. 52 Ibid.
Nizam al-Mulk Tasi
calamities and upheavals. And it is again by His mercy that a man rises to the position of a sovereign and brings about peace and order. Thus, in this divine order of political society all things proceed from God's will, and it is from His supreme authority that the king derives his powers. While speaking of the monarch who succeeds in establishing his rule by subduing the warring elements and in executing God's will by bringing peace and tranquillity to the people, Nizam al-Mulk is not unmindful of the victorious career of the Saljuq dynasty, which had risen to sovereign position by its own strength and successfully established an orderly government. This becomes clear when he says that it is by divine providence that his Saljuq master has been destined to rule his subjects."
This implies that the king's authority rests, in the first place, on direct authorization from God and, in the second place, on his own ability to gain political power in which he is helped by God the Almighty. He is equally emphatic on the principle of hereditary kingship, which is always an essential part of the divine right doctrine. According to him, the kingly office is essentially of divine origin as well as hereditary, and should pass, like the kingship in ancient Persia, from father to son.60 And it is according to this principle that his Saljuq prince, he claims, has inherited this dignified office from his great aneestors.55 Nizam al-Mulk's vindication of the claims of the king to sovereign powers is based on a three-fold justification, namely, the divine sanction, the conquest of power, and the hereditary succession. He later states this more clearly in an anecdote in which Nus_hirwan, the Persian King, has been shown as asserting his eligibility to the throne in a royal speech addressed to his feudatories: "First, this kingship has been bestowed upon me by God the Almighty; secondly, I have inherited it from my father; thirdly.... I have recaptured the kingdom by the sword."50
It is obvious now that in explaining the nature of the supreme authority in the political community, he takes the position of a "legitimist" who believes not in human choice, but in divine appointment and hereditary succession.
This exposition of kingship is significant from yet another point of view. There is more in it than the mere explanation of the divine origin of the king's powers. It may be regarded as an effort of Nizam al-hulk to seek moral justi¬fication for the passive obedience which the monarch has the right to demand from his subjects, and also for his unlimited authority to control the adminis¬tration and political life of the people. The two are correlative to each other and follow as corollaries from this legitimist doctrine. This helps us to under¬stand the relation between ruler and subjects as envisaged in his political theory.
He lays great emphasis on obedience as the most essential duty of the people
13 Ibid., pp. 6-7. 64 Ibid., p. 151. 55 Ibid., p. 7. 56 Ibid., p. 29.
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A History of Muslim Philosophy

towards the ru10r, since he brings to them peace and prosperity after they have been deprived of it as a punishment for their disobedience to God. This has been stated more explicitly in another work, the Waidya, in which he discusses the question of obedience to royal authority. "No doubt," he says, "it is but obligatory to worship the Almighty, and to obey the king. The common people generally, and the royal favourites and courtiers particularly, are under the obligation of such obedience, and more especially one who has been entrusted with authority in the matters of administration and finance."67 The king is entitled to receive obedience from his subjects as a divinely appointed authority. Nizam al-Mulk asserts that the very fact that the king succeeds in establishing his rule is sufficient to make us regard his authority as resting on the divine sanction. "Without the aid of God Almighty," he argues, "an individual can never become a ruler, nor can he bring the world into the bondage of subjugation. Though there might be several causes of his rise to political power, they all refer undoubtedly to the same divine help."58
The gist of this remarkably simplified contention is that it is the duty of the people to obey the prince without questioning the validity of his authority: it is valid because it is de /acto. A de facto ruler may be unjust and may put the country into disorder, but Nizam al-Mulk, like a true legitimist, is careful to avoid this question as it ultimately involves the right of the people to resist a ruler who is doing wrong to them. If confusion and disorder ever take place in a political society, he attempts to interpret it as resulting not from the misrule of the monarch but from the sinful acts of the people themselves. It is, therefore, by remaining obedient to the king that they can enjoy peace and prosperity which is restored to them under his rule. The king can rightly inflict punishment upon those who, "not realizing the value of security and comfort," might revolt against his authority.59 There is no doubt that Nizam al-Mulk believes in the principle of passive and unconditional obedience on the part of the people, and leaves them without any moral right to resist the royal authority.
A political theory like this, with the belief in the divine appointment of the king, coupled with the principle of passive obedience by the people, can result only in the advocacy of absolute monarchy. The prince of whom Nizam al-Mulk is speaking here is surely an absolute monarch in that his powers are unrestricted by any human power. The only authority which could claim, at least in theory, a certain amount of legal right to impose any obligations on a Muslim prince was the 'Abbasid Caliph, to whom, we have seen, Nizam al-Mulk avoids making any reference in this respect.
It is obvious from his attempt to explain the administrative system with constant reference to the royal office that the monarch is the sovereign
67 Wasaya, p. 42.
58 Ibid., p. 43. S6 Siydaat, p. 6.
Nizam al-Mulk Tdsi
authority in his realm, and, as such, is the source of all political power; all are subordinate to him, and are endowed by him with powers and privileges ac¬cording to their capability. In spite of representing the king as directly respon¬sible for the welfare of the whole country, Nizam al-Mulk does not regard him as accountable to the people for his political conduct. On the question of the kings' responsibility in public affairs he seems to take again the position of a supporter of the divine right of kings, and holds them responsible, not before the people, but before God. That, however, has not been laid down expressly, and has to be concluded only indirectly from the statements in which, for example, he says that on the Day of Judgment the king will be summoned before God to answer for his conduct towards his subjects,80 and that the government officials are accountable to the king, and the king in his turn is .responsible to the Almighty. 61
What Nizam al-Mulk is attempting to set out here is indeed the concept of an absolute monarch. At this point he comes much nearer to the Persian idea of kingship and to the Shiite doctrine of imamah (the leadership of political community), both founded on the divine right of the Head of the State, than to the constitutional theory of the Sunni Arab jurists, which was based on democratic principles. An absolute monarch claiming direct authorization from God to manage the affairs of a political society was an idea quite foreign to Arab thinkers. The Khali/ah had always been regarded by them, at least in theory, as an elected functionary82 to whom powers were delegated, not directly by God, but by the electors. They, therefore, held that the Khalilah was subject to certain legal restrictions. This democratic idea of Caliphate is in striking contrast with the Persian notion of absolute monarchy revived in Nizam al-Mulk's political theory. It would not be wrong to suppose that this concept of a divinely appointed ruler came to him mainly from the political system of ancient Persia, and not from the contemporary $-_rite doctrine,B3 which, as systematically evolved under the Fatimid rule in Egypt, was definitely a much later development in comparison with the Persian concept. This is obvious from his repeated references to the political principle on which the monarchical constitution in ancient Persia was based, but he makes no such references to the political ideas of the Shi'ites, of whose political activities in the form of Batini movement he is, on the contrary, vehemently critical.64 But it must be admitted at the same time that his exposition of divine right is lacking both in philosophical depth and systematic treatment with which this doctrine was set out in the Fatimid dogmatics. The reason for
61 Ibid., p. 9.
61 Ibid., pp. 39, 43.
62 Al-Mawardi, op. cit., p. 5; abu Ya`la, op. cit., pp. 3-4, 9; Imam al-Haramain, Qjiydth al-Umam, fols. 29-31.
62 For the FAtimid doctrine, see "'Alam al-Islam Thiqat al-Imam, al-Majalis al-Mustansiriyyah," in Mah_htutat al-Fdtimiyyin, ed. Kamil Husain, Cairo, n.d., pp. 113-15.
16 Siydsat, Chapters 43, 46, 47.

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A History of Muslim Philosophy

imitating the Persian model of kingship is to be sought in his contemporary historical conditions. On the one hand, he is expressing, as pointed out before, the popular idea of kingship prevailing in the territories conquered by the Saljugs, and, on the other hand, he is seeking to replace the Turkish concept of tribal leadership by the Persian ideal of absolute monarchy.
The peculiar conditions under which he had to work out his political theory made the adoption of autocratic rule inevitable. The institution of Qj¢nale, that is, the tribal leadership among the Saljugs, had largely become incon¬sistent with the stage of political development which they had reached by this time. Though invested with political power under tribal customs, their Khan was far from having any territorial basis for his authority, with the result that their tribal system of government was found inadequate to cope with the problems of the large territorial empire which they had come to rule. The empire they had inherited from the Ghaznawids and the Buwaihids was far vaster than the territory hitherto known to them, and more advanced in political principles as compared with their own tribal customs. Despite the large powers that were conferred upon the Khan by the tribal system, he was regarded much more as the leader of a large tribe, than as a sovereign in the proper sense. There were other "minor leaders" of small groups of families who, at least in the early stage of their political career, could lay claim to political power derived not from the "major" tribal leader but from the tribal customary law. It was not until the reign of Maliks_hah, the third ruler of the great Saljaq dynasty, that the Saljaq prince could become a real autocratic sovereign. And it was Nizam al-Murk, the all-powerful vizier and the directing mind's in all State affairs throughout the reign of Alp Arslan and Maliks_h8h, who was mainly responsible for altering their nomadic tribal political organization to harmonize with the requirements of a territorial empire. He converted their power into a centralized autocratic authority essential for successful government in his time.
What he is attempting now in his writings by theorizing about kingship and its institutional organization is to provide the Saljaq monarchy with a theoretical basis. He is seeking, moreover, to shape it on the model of Persian kingship about which he had read in the "works of the ancients" (kutub-i piLhinagdn),86 and had seen revived in the monarchichal constitution of the Ghaznawids. To him this Persian monarchy, with its autocratic principles, was more adaptable to the new circumstances than any other type of institu¬tion which was founded on democratic principles. Only an absolute monarch, he thinks, can vigorously deal with the nomad Turkumans and the petit leaders of the Qhuzz tribes in subduing their power to a centralized authority. There-fore, he advises his prince that "God Almighty has created the king most powerful of all people, and all are subordinate to him. It is from him that they
65 Ibn Khallikan, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 179-80. 66 Siyasat, P. 10.
Nizam al-Mulk Tusi
take their subsistence money and their position. He should treat them in such a way that they always realize their position, and may not throw off the bondage of allegiance; and, moreover, they should not be allowed to do whatever they like; they should do only what they have been ordered to do."87 His aim in stressing the absolute superiority of the king is to introduce a central authority with autocratic powers in the political system of the Saljugs, the majority of whom had not yet got fully accustomed to this principle of government and administration.
To imitate the Persian absolute monarchy was also useful in tackling the problems of the growing "feudal system" in the Saljaq Empire. The Persian institution of kingship had a record of feudal traditions, and could furnish the Saljugs with the laws applicable in many respects to their relation with the feudatories and the subjects.
The system of land assignment-what Nizam al-Mull: calls the igtd' ddri6B¬may be regarded undoubtedly as the Eastern form of feudalism as against the feudalism of medieval Europe. To a great extent, Nizam al-Mulk may be considered responsible for developing, if not for introducing, it on systematic lines within the political structure of the Saljaq Empire. It was due to the military organization of the Saljugs, on which their political structure ulti¬mately came to rest, together with the problems of revenue administration, that the practice of assigning fiefs (igta's) to the military chiefs, soldiers, and to other private persons was adopted. There were also the dihgdns, the old Per¬sian land-owners, who continued to exercise proprietory rights as before. This system, in brief, was designed as a means of paying the soldiers and of collect¬ing the revenues.
The principles on which Nizam al-Mulk suggests that the igtd' ddri should be based develop it into a feudal system very different from the Western feudalism, both in character and in social and political consequences. It is basically different in the tenure of the feudatories, in their legal rights over the land and the ra'iyyah (vassals) as well as in the relation of the king as the overlord with the mugtd's (feudatories), on the one hand, and with the subjects, on the other. The igtd' system, as envisaged by Nizam al-Mulk, is by no means strictly hereditary as a general rule. There is nothing in his writing to suggest that he is in favour of assigning lands to an individual with a specified legal right to transmit it by inheritance. On the other hand, in his system the feu¬datories come to occupy a position more akin to that of the tax-collectors with large administrative powers than that of the "feudal lords," in the medieval sense. In their relatipns with the vassals they are like the s_bihnahs (guards), and in case a feudatory fails to treat them well, "the fief, it is suggested, must be
67 Ibid., p. 163.
68 For the igtd' system under the Saljugs, see W. Barthold, Turkestan doom to the Mongol Invasion, tr. H. A. R. Gibb, Oxford University Press, 2nd ed., 1928, pp. 305-09; A. K. S. Lambton, Landlord and Peasant in Persia, Royal Institute of International Affairs, Oxford University Press, London, 1953, Chap. III.
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A History of Muslim Philosophy
withdrawn from him." 89 Besides, "the officials and the feudatories must be changed every two or three years so that they may not get strong in their fortifications."70
It appears that side by side with developing the igta` system, Nizam al-hulk attempts to enlarge the powers of the king as a means of checking the centri¬fugal tendencies which tend to appear in feudalism. This leads him to put forward a theory of land-ownership which goes well with his idea of absolute monarchy. He holds that "the feudatories who hold the fiefs must know that they have no other right over the subjects than to extract from them with civility and courtesy the lawful amount which has been assigned to them, i,
e.,
to the feudatories, and when that has been taken, the subjects shall be secure in their persons, property, wives, and children, and in their goods and estates. ... They must know that the land and the subjects all belong to the king, and the feudatories and the governors (walis), set over their head, are like the guards to the subjects, as the king is to others."71
In entertaining such a view regarding land-ownership, Nizam al-hulk departs from what may be regarded as the Islamic theory, which attributes the absolute ownership of land, not to the Head of the State, but to the State itself, as entrusted to it by God. It is also a clear departure from the traditional con¬cept of the 'Sr_huzz tribes, who looked upon the land that they would come to occupy as the common property of their families. It was this tribal concept of land-ownership that Nizam al-Mulk was seeking to modify basically, as it was out of tune with the administrative principle of a centralized empire which had now passed into their hands. To him it was essential to bring both the land and the subjects under the central authority of the king.
A good deal of his theory, it appears, has come to him from the old feu¬dal Persia. This is evident from his attempt to explain this principle by an anecdote from Persian history in which the famous vizier Buzurjmihr has been represented as advising Nustilrwiin, that "the kingdom (wilayah) be¬longs to the king (malik), and the king has entrusted the dominion, and not the subjects, to the military. When the military is not well wishing unto the kingdom, and kind to the people ... and takes the power to arrest and im¬prison.. . and to appoint and dismiss, what difference then remains between the king and the military, for that power really belongs to the king, and not to the military."72 On another occasion Nushirwan exhorts his feudatories to treat the people well, and only to take from them what is due and just; and he stresses the fact that the dominion belongs to him, and it is by him that the estates have been assigned to them 73
Nizam al-Mulk's feudal theory takes away much of the powers from the
81 Siydsat, p. 28. 70 Ibid., p. 37. 71 Ibid., p. 28. 72 Ibid., p. 163. 7s Ibid., p. 29.
Nilam al-hulk Tusi
hands of feudal lords which they enjoyed, for instance, in Western feudalism. It leaves them with limited power to collect the revenues, and to have only "a fixed amount in their hands. "74 Moreover, it removes them from the position of being the sole intermediaries between the king and the subjects, preventing the latter from getting into direct contact with him.75 In his system, the direct responsibility for the well-being of the subjects rests, not with the feudatories, but with the king, and, therefore, he suggests that the king should send spies (jdsfsdn) and special confidants (khwas)78 to inquire secretly about administration in the fiefs in order to get reliable information about the condition of the subjects, and urges him to dismiss a feudatory who forbids subjects to represent their cases to the king in order to seek redress for
grievances.77
All this results in the concentration of all the political and administrative powers, as sought by Nizam al-Mulk, in the central authority of the king which was once enjoyed by the Persian autocrat.
Though his idea of kingship is in essence of Persian origin, it differs in certain respects from the old Persian prototype, and has been refashioned in other respects under the influence of Muslim political theory and practice. It is, on the whole, an attempt to readjust the Persian model with the con-temporary social and political structure.
The most important point of difference is that Nizam al-hulk is not an incarnationist. Unlike the ancients who could look upon their Persian monarch as the incarnation of Divinity,78 he treats his ruler as a simple human being. In spite of once calling the prince the "shadow of God on earth" (;ill Allah fi al-ard) in the Wasaya79-a phrase which does not occur at all in the Si yasat Nameh--he does not go to the extent of clothing him with divine attributes so as to make him appear an embodiment of Divinity. The phrase is devoid here of any mystical meanings, and has been used in the ordinary sense of a metaphor, to mean that the exalted office of the king is like a shadow provided by God on earth under which mankind may find peace and security. No doubt, he speaks of this monarch as "adorned with the virtues and excellences which were lacked by kings all over the world,"B0 yet there is in him no tendency to regard the king as a superhuman being in any metaphysical sense. Among those excellent virtues with which his prince is adorned, he counts, for example, good appearance, justice, courage, generosity, etc.81 But they are all divinely¬
14 Ibid., p. 91.
75 Ibid., p. 68. 78 Ibid., p. 119. 77 Ibid., p. 28.
79 De Lacy O'Leary, A Short History of the Fdtimid Caliphate, Kegan Paul,
London, 1923, pp. 3-4; J. Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom and Its Fall, tr. Khuda
Bukhgh, Calcutta, 1927, p. 67. 79 Waaaya, p. 43. 80 Siydsat, p. 7. 81 Ibid.
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A History of Muslim Philosophy
gifted qualities, not divine attributes. Therefore, his prince is by no means an incarnation of God.
Far from attaching any "mystical" or metaphysical sense to the concept of kingship, he believes that "the king is endowed by God with wisdom and knowledge so that he can treat each of his subjects according to his worth and can give each a position according to his value,"B2 and, again, "His (i.e. the king's) wisdom is just like a lamp that gives off abundant light. People can find their way in its light and can come out of darkness;A3 and he does not need himself to be guided by others." We can see his prince bearing a small resemblance both to the Platonic philosopher-kingB4 and to the Shiite teacher-Imam, B6 but suffering from an innate inability to become the true image of either. This seems mainly due to the fact that Nizam al-Mulk is by temperament much more a matter-of-fact exponent of popular ideas than a real philosopher, unable to develop his thoughts into philosophical concepts. He may be taken as possibly expressing a general belief about kingship pre¬vailing in his days, in which the old Persian idea of the divinely-appointed monarch in its moderate form-and not the concept of divine monarch-was superficially intermingled with the Neo-Platonic interpretation of the philo-sopher-king as an embodiment of perfect wisdom. His concept of the king is that of a statesman who is primarily concerned with general beliefs rather than with philosophical generalizations.
His Persian ideal is modified also in another respect, obviously under the direct influence of Muslim thought. Though he treats his prince as a divinely-appointed ruler, invested with unlimited powers, he does not regard him by any means as a law-giver. A human authority with absolute legislative powers has never existed in Muslim polity, because legislation in the proper sense of the term has never been recognized as a human function in the Muslim legal theory. According to this theory, there is already existing a divine Law (Share ah) supreme, eternal, and perfect, which is theoretically as binding on the ruler himself, however autocratic he may be in practice, as on his subjects. This is what seems to have prevented Nizam al-Mulk from attributing any legislative power to his prince. His king, on the other hand, is subject to the supreme Law of God, and, is moreover, an instrument for enforcing that Law, and for making people abide by it. He emphasizes that "it is obligatory for the king to seek knowledge of religious matters, and to comply with, and make arrangements to carry out, the commands of God and the traditions of the Prophet, and to pay respect to religious scholars." 86 Therefore, it is the
82 Ibid., p. 6. 83 Ibid., p. 7.
11 Plato, Republic, Bk. V.
85 For the exposition of teacher-Imam, see Ahmad Hamid al-Din Kirmani, Rkhat al-'Aql, ed. Kamil Husain and Mustafa Hilmi, Mak_htiU, t al-Fatimiyyin,
Cairo, 1952, pp. 60-90.
88 Siyasat, p. 54.
Nizam al-Mulk Tasi
duty of the ruler to appoint judges (gadis) to execute the Shari'ah as his deputies (nd'ibin).
This discussion of the ruler's responsibility in enforcing the 8ari'ah, apart from explaining a principle of Muslim policy, is also interesting for its historical significance in respect of the Saljugs. This shows Nizam al-Mulk's attempt to teach the Saljugs the principles of the Muslim legal system and to famil¬iarize them with the law of the more civilized people of whom they had be¬come the rulers. But his royal masters were altogether strangers to all culture,H7 and there is no reliable information to prove that they could even read and write. Therefore, books, as the direct source of knowledge of religious Law, were out of their reach. This seems to be the reason why Nizam al-Mulk advises his prince to get himself acquainted with the teachings of religion through the debates of the scholars ('ulama') which he should cause to be held occasionally in his presence, once or twice a week. "Thus, one dey he will become conversant with most of the laws of the ari'ah, the commentary of the Qur'an, and the traditions of the Prophet; and, thus, the methods of dealing with temporal and religious affairs would become easy for him."88
This discussion leads us at this point to another important question, namely, the place that religion must have, according to Nizam al-hulk, both in the conduct of a ruler and in the political life of a people. It is of course a question of the relation between religion and politics, where we can see again that his concept of kingship is modified by the influence of Muslim thought. In spite of his love for the political principles of pre-Islamic Persia, he is essentially a religious-minded man who can believe only in the religious values of social life as enunciated by Islam, and can look upon a political community as dedicated out and out to religious ends. His political theory is made up of a reconciliation between the old Persian ideals and the Muslim political ideology.
To him, in the first place, religion and polities are inseparably joined together, and, as such, are complementary to each other. "The State (and kingship) and religion," he believes, "are like two brothers." 88 And throughout his writings, the two have been treated in the same spirit. In dealing with them, he closely follows the spirit of Muslim polity which is largely based on the concept of the indivisible unity of religion and politics.
The principles of conduct which he lays down for his king under the influence of this religious trend are in striking contrast with those prescribed by Machiavelli for his prince. Unlike the Machiavellian prince who is advised to handle religion merely as a useful instrument for achieving political ends, and who is taught to appear rather than become religious,80 Nizam al-Mulk's
67 W. Barthold, op. cit., p. 308. 88 Siyasat, pp. 54-55. 89 Ibid., p. 55.
80 "It is not, therefore, necessary for a prince to have all the above-mentioned qualities (i, e., the conventional virtues), but it is very necessary for him to seem to have them. I would even be bold to say that to possess them and always to
764
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A History of Muslim Philosophy
Nizam al-hulk TSsi
prince is taught to believe sincerely in religious truths, and to exercise political power as an essential means of attaining them. According to him, both the State and religion are dependent upon each other for their existence; there¬fore, the king must treat them both alike. "Whenever there is any disorder in the State," says Nizam al-Mulk, "there is confusion in the religion of its people also, and the heretics and mischief-makers make their appearance. And whenever religious affairs are disturbed, the State is thrown into disorder, the mischief-makers grow strong, and heresy makes itself manifest."91 He believes that "the most virtuous thing for the king is to uphold the right faith."92 To him a wise and just ruler is one who follows the tenets of religion faithfully, and eradicates heresy from his realm.93
It is obvious that the concern of his prince with religion is not mere politics; it is rather a matter of genuine faith in the religious values of social life. It is an instrument to preserve the State as well as a means of salvation in the life to come84 "The ruler who strives to uphold the faith successfully is entrust¬ed by God with temporal and religious affairs, and his wishes are granted in both the worlds.""
This shows how Nizam al-Mulk is at pains to make his prince a religious as well as a mundane authority. It is, however, no artificiality with him to blend the religious and temporal powers in one and the same office. With a religious man like him, looking to faith for guidance in the spiritual as well as in the worldly affairs, it is more natural to combine them than to treat them as separate. Besides his own outlook about the relation of religion and politics, which led him to attribute religious function to kingship, there arose a historical situation in which the king came to be regarded not only as a temporal authority but also as a religious functionary. The age of the Caliph, when he was the undisputed leader of the Muslim community, had practically come to a close by this time, giving rise to the power of the independent autocratic monarch to whom the people now looked for leadership in all tem¬poral and religious affairs. It will not help much towards appreciating the role this autocrat came to play in the social life of the Muslim people, to suppose about this historical change that, "politically, the %halilah gave place to the Sultan, that is, a religious executive was replaced by an explicitly independent mundane power."A6 It must be admitted that the Muslim world, far from thinking in terms of the separation of State and religion, was definitely at a
observe them is dangerous, but to appear to possess them is useful" (Niccolo Machiavelli, The Prince, tr. L. Ricci, 1903, New American Library, New York,
5th ed., 1955, Chap. XVIII, p. 102).
• Siydsat, p. 55.
bs Ibid.
• Ibid., p. 126.
14 Ibid., pp. 8, 28, 37. 16 Ibid., p. 210.
• W. C. Smith, Islam in Modern History, Princeton University Press, Princeton/ Oxford University Press, London, 1957, p. 36.
stage of political development in which, as we have seen, it could still easily believe in their ultimate oneness. The Caliph, therefore, was not held to be simply a religious executive; he was a temporal authority as well, and both functions were intricately interwoven in his office. The autocratic prince, who came to fill the void left by the Caliph in the Muslim life with the latter's downfall, was his heir in both capacities. He was a replica of the Caliph, in almost every respect, save that, like the Caliph, he was not an elected functionary, and, therefore, unlike him, he was in practice an absolute sovereign with no constitutional limitations on his authority, and under no constitutional obligation even in fulfilling his religious functions. Had he been regarded as simply a mundane power, the Muslims living under his rule would have been left without a leader to organize their religious life, especially after the Caliph had practically been removed as a real force from the scene of their spiritual and political life.
It is this practical necessity that has led Nizam al-Mulk to insist on the essentially religious character of the king's authority. This special emphasis on the religious character is also important on account of the fact that it tones down the autocratic temper of his monarch. The moral obligations he sets on the absolute authority of the king prevent it from growing into an oppressive despotism. His is basically the idea of a paternalistic State in which the king is held responsible for the security and well-being of all sub¬jects. The first and foremost moral obligation of the king towards his subjects is to do justice. He believes it to be a religious duty, for it has been ordained by God. Justice, as a principle of good government, occupies a predominant place in his concept of kingship, and time and again he lays emphasis on its importance for State and society. But, in spite of all its significance, he does not attempt to formulate any systematic theory of justice; nor does he make any effort to define it exactly. This much, however, can be concluded from his statement that, like almost all his ideas, justice, too, is a practical maxim or a social rule rather than a social philosophy. Everyone should be given what is due to him, or what has been legally recognized as his right in a given social order. To him justice is a moral principle which is also usable as an effective means to preserve a political society and to promote peace and prosperity among the people. "The kings should strive," he says, "to seek the favour of God, which can be attained through the kindness with which they treat the people and through justice which they administer to them. When the people pray for the welfare of the king, his State grows stable and prospers every day."B7 To stress its significance for the prosperity of the State he quotes the saying that "a State can continue to exist notwith¬standing impiety, but it cannot exist with tyranny."B8 Therefore, he believes that an auspicious age is one in which a just prince comes to rule.99 He quotes
17 Siydsat, p. 8.
98 Ibid.
69 Ibid., p. 44.
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A History of Muslim Philosophy
Nizam al-Murk Ti'si
several anecdotes from history to demonstrate the material advantages of justice, and to show that justice is the outstanding moral virtue of a king. He lays equal emphasis on its moral and material aspects as inseparably joined together, and stresses the point that as justice brings prosperity and good reputation in this world, it helps a ruler "to attain salvation in the next world."loo
In his notion of justice he is influenced again both by Islam and by Persia. It is under the Islamic influence that he comes to realize the religious and moral significance of justice, and goes to the extent of linking its worldly aspect with the deliverance; of the soul in eternity. To illustrate this point he quotes from the Holy Qur'an,101 the Tradition108 of the Prophet, and state¬ments about the practice of the pious Muslim rulers, and says that the worthiest prince is one "whose heart is the seat of justice."ma
From ancient Persia he learns the methods of the administration of justice and the principle of direct responsibility of the king in matters relating to it. He is so much impressed by the Persian standard of justice that he believes that "the Sessanian Kings, especially Nus_hirwan the Just, have surpassed all other monarchs in justice, generosity, and courage."104 He says that the Persian kings used to strive so honestly to live up to the principle of impartiality in justice that they could even allow themselves to appear as respondents before the Chief Justice who heard complaints against their royal person.'°' They held it as their personal duty to see that the others also treated the people with the same impartiality and justice; and, in order to hear the complaints personally, they used to hold public audience twice a year, to which everyone was allowed free access, and whoever prevented anyone from going to the king to obtain redress for grievances was sentenced to
death.10`
Besides justice, which is essential for good government, there are some other moral duties, which, as Nizam al-hulk says, a ruler has to perform for the well-being of his subjects. His idea of benevolent despotism involves the notion that a good monarch must rule, not for his own good, but for the good of the whole country. He is responsible for the welfare of his subjects, and is personally accountable to God, not only for his own conduct, but also for the conduct of his officials towards the people. 107It is, therefore, an essential part of his duty that he should appoint as government officers only those who are God-fearing, learned, pious, and righteous,108 and should instruct
100 Ibid., p. 8.
201 Ibid., pp. 44-45. 102 Ibid.
103 Ibid., p. 45.
101 Ibid., p. 118. 105 Ibid., p. 39.
201 Ibid, pp. 38-39. 107 Ibid., pp. 9, 43. 108 Ibid., pp. 38-41.
them to treat the people well,109 because as justice brings prosperity, oppres¬sion leads to the devastation of a country.
This autocratic but benevolent sovereign, depicted for the first time in the writings of Nizam al-Mulk, is a typical Muslim prince who came into existence with the downfall of the Caliphate and continued to live for centuries in the Muslim polity. Equally typical is his vizier, who stands next to him in rank and power in the political hierarchy of the kingdom 110 Like the king, he is also of Persian origin; he is, in fact, the Muslim heir of the pre-Islamic Persian grand vizier, called the wazurg-/armdhar, who made his way into the constitu¬tional system of the Caliphate" "when the 'Abbasids came to copy the administration of Sassanian Empire.'"12 This grand vizier was next to the king; and what he was in his relation to the Persian king, the Muslim vizier was to the Caliph.nz
For Nizam al-Mulk, himself a Persian and Grand Vizier, it is quite natural to aspire to model this institution as closely as possible on the traditional line of the Persian vizierate, which had once worked so successfully under the Sassanian rule. But he is not the first writer to speak of this institution, for Mawardi and others had already discussed it in some detail. There is, how¬ever, a sharp distinction between the theory, for example, of Mawardi and that of Nizam al-Mulk. What Mawardi speaks of is, in fact, the constitutional position of the vizier in his relation to the Caliph, and, therefore, it is what may be called the constitutional theory of vizierate. With this aspect of the vizierate, Nizam al-Mulk is less concerned, and he seldom refers to it. What really interests him more, or rather exclusively, is the political and moral aspect of this institution. There is yet another difference: unlike Mawardi, who is primarily concerned with discussing the question what the vizier's functions are in a constitutional set-up, Nizam al-hulk attempts to show what he ought to be in order to attain perfection in ministerial ethics. He deals with the vizierate on a plane of thought which is nearer to that of the Qdbus Nameh of Amir Kaika'us (412/1021-475/1082).114 Indeed, his field of study is the art of ministership, but, compared with Amir Kaika'iis, he treats it on a wider scale and with a touch of personal experience which obviously could not be claimed by the Amir.
To Nizam al-Mulk the vizierate is the most important and the most exalted
109 Ibid., p. 18.
°0 Ahmad b. abi Ya'qub, ibn Wadih al-Ya'qubi, Tarikh al-Pa`gubi, ed. M. Th. Houtsma, Brill, Leiden, 1883, p. 202.
lu Hasan Ibrahim Hasan, Tarik_k al-Islam, Maktabat al-Nahdat al-Misriyyah, Cairo, 1945, Vol. II, p. 196.
118 Sa'id Naficy, Tarikk-i Tamaddun-i Iran-i Sasani, Chap ,jianah-i Danis_h-Gah, Teheran, 1331/1912, pp. 231-32.
123 A. Christensen, L'Iran Sons lee Sassanides, Urdu tr., Muhammad Igbal, Iran ba 'Ahd-i Sasanian, Anjuman-i Taraqqi-i Urdu, India, Delhi, 1941, p. 148.
114 Kaika'us b. Iskandar b. Qabus b. Was_himg1r, Nasihat Nameh known as Qabue Nameh, ed. Reuben Levy, G.M.S. London, 1951, Chap. II.
768
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office, next only to that of the Sultanate.115 Though this glorification of the ministerial office is not without a tinge of exaggeration, it serves to give an idea of the importance the vizier once had in the Eastern monarchical States, including the Saljiiq Empire, in which he played a significant part in politics, and actually shared a good deal of power with the king. In most of the achievements which were attributed to the royal person he had a real hand. Therefore, there is a certain basis of truth in regarding the vizierate as "an institution on which depend the State and the people, the religion and the kingdom."18 This indicates Ni7Am al-Mulk's belief about the vizierate as an indispensable part in the machinery of a monarchical government. He is also conscious of the historical role it played in bringing so much credit to kingship in the long course of its career. "All the kings," he says, "who have left their good names in the pages of time, owe it to the felicity of the righteous vizier,"114 and again, " ... a good minister brings to the king a good name and leads him to adopt a good conduct. All the princes who had been great, and whose name shall be held in honour till the Day of Judgment, were those who had good ministers."18 Throughout his arguments about the importance of ministership, he is insistent on the point that the welfare of both the king and the kingdom depends upon the sagacity of the vizier, and that a bad vizier always leads them to destruction.""
What Nizam al-Mulk is attempting here by stressing the importance of the vizierate is not to represent the vizier as a mere intermediary between the king and his subjects, but to show him as the representative of the king and actually responsible to him for the whole administration. That is to say, the vizier, as conceived by him, is in a sense a sharer in the king's real powers. This was actually the position which Niziim al-Mulk had himself enjoyed in his own life-time as the vizier of the Saljflgs. That in elevating this office to such an exalted position he is mainly encouraged by the Persian tradition, is evident from his statement in which he asserts that since the origin of the State up to the days of Yazdigird all administrative affairs had been exclusively in the hands of the viziers. The vizier was the counterpart and deputy of the king.'2° He is influenced again by the Persian tradition in advocating the hereditary principle of the vizierate, of which his Persian forerunners, the Barmakids, were the first exponents in Islam. To him it seems most desirable that both the kingship and the vizierate should be hereditary, as was the regular practice in ancient Persia from the days of Ardas_hir, the son of Bi bekan, to the reign of Yazdigird.121 He regrets that "when the kingship
115 Waadya, p. 11. 114 Ibid., p. 11.
17 Ibid., p. 48.
" Siydsat, p. 150. 11° Ibid., pp. 18-19.
171 Wasaya, p. 63.
121 Siyaeat, p. 151.
Ni* Am al-hulk Tbsi
came to an end in Persia the vizierate also departed from the house of the
viziers."17
Niziim al-Mulk presents a picture of the typical minister serving at the Court of an Oriental monarch, when he comes to enumerate the dangers with which this important office was fraught, and the noble qualities which were supposed to be the prerequisites of the vizierate. He gives a detailed account of them, supported by his personal experiences, or by illustrations taken from contemporary history. It gives an idea of the state of politics and administra¬tion in the medieval Orient in which a vizier had to discharge his duties with so many powers to conduct the government, and, at the same time, with so many risks of being suddenly overthrown from office for any mistake.
The dangers in accepting this office, as he enumerates, are five: -
(a) The minister may do injustice to the people as he has to issue numerous
orders every day;"
(b) may please one man and displease thousands of others, high and low,
rich and poor;"'
(c) he may displease the princes of the royal household by his acts and
may consequently incur the displeasure of the king ;145
(d) he has always to deal with the nobles and grandees of the empire whose
hostility and hate might turn the king against him ;125 and
(e) there is a large number of officials of high and low ranks upon whom
he has to depend in discharging his duties, and their displeasure and
conspiracy may undermine his reputation and career.'2'
All this renders the office of the vizier a difficult one, requiring a man of sharp intellect and outstanding abilities. Ni?.am al-Mulk attempts to lay down at length the essential conditions of this office which were regarded in his days as the qualities of an ideal vizier. The duties of a vizier, he says,"" are deter¬mined by his four-fold relations: First, he is under the obligation of obedience to God; secondly, he owes allegiance to his royal master; thirdly, he has to care for the favourites of the king; and, fourthly, he is concerned with the common people.
One cannot fail to note that his whole discussion of the institution of vizierate, like that of the office of kingship, is pervaded again by a religious and moral outlook, arising out of his sincere regard for religion. In the office of vizierate, as he treats it, diplomacy and morality have been blended together, but emphasis is altogether on its moral ends. To acquire merely worldly pomp and power, he says, should not be the ultimate end of the vizier; what
122 Ibid.
122 Wasdya, p. 11.
124 Ibid., p. 13.
225 Ibid., pp. 16-17.
121 Ibid., pp. 22-23. 1S7 Ibid., pp. 27-28. 12° Ibid., p. 35.
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really befits this exalted office is to seek real prestige and a good name in religious and worldly matters."' This can be achieved through upholding the right faith and following the dictates of God faithfully.130 It is the duty of the minister that he should strive hard to revive and propagate the faith of Islam and try to attain the excellent moral virtues without which divine favour is impossible. He comes to preach to the vizier a sort of Sufi-like attitude towards political life when he says that he should believe in the divine providence, and should regard his success not as the fruit of his own efforts but as the result of the divine will.191
Then comes the king who is. according to Ni?iim al-Mulk, a divinely-appoint¬ed authority. He is at pains to make him a point of focus for the loyal senti¬ments of the whole political society and especially of the official community among whom the vizier has a greater obligation to pay homage to the king than anyone else.132 In order to prove himself a truly obedient servant of his master, he says, the vizier must refrain from seeking any sort of worldly pleasure, because the greatest pleasure for a minister really consists, not in satisfying his own desires, but in pleasing his royal master.133 Therefore, he should direct all his efforts towards reforming the affairs of the kingdom134 and increasing the wealth of the State,'S5 which is the only way to please the king.
Finally, he advises the minister to have special regard for the companions, courtiers, and other favourites of the king and the nobles and high officials of the kingdom.136 They are always influential figures in a feudal society headed by an absolute monarch, and have an important role in its politics. As their friendliness has great advantages for the vizier, their antagonism may turn all against him;i37 therefore, he advises the vizier to be careful in handling them. It is, however, remarkable about Nizam al-Mulk that, in spite of dealing with the problems of an office of a diplomatic nature within the framework of feudalism, which is always tainted with conspiracies, he does not induce the vizier to follow cunning methods. Instead, he believes in the moral standards of political conduct and insists that the vizier "should steadily follow the path of truth and righteousness in State affairs;" and this would serve to protect him from the enmity of his foes and would ultimately convince them of his integrity.'3s
Nizam al-Mulk's importance as a political thinker must rest, not on the
129 Ibid., p. 36. 130 Ibid.
131 Ibid., p. 39.
133 Ibid., p. 42.
133 Ibid., p. 44.
194 Ibid., pp. 45-46. 133 Ibid., p. 47.
134 Ibid., pp. 55, 56, 63, 68.
137 Ibid., p. 63. 139 Ibid., p. 55.
Nizam al-Mulk Tusi
practical suggestions he offerred to improve the conditions of a particular State, but on his theories of monarchy and ministership. He was the first to discover the moral and political principles of kingship and vizierate and wher¬ever the two institutions came into existence in the Muslim world, his ideas served as their theoretical foundations. It is evident from the references to his works in the writings of the succeeding generations, that he was generally studied. Even the contents of his Wasaya' "were known far and wide,"139 long before they came to be compiled in the form of a treatise in the ninth/fifteenth century. The vast literature on political ethics produced in later days, especially the treatises written for the guidance of Muslim princes, contain a good deal of the political principles which were enunciated for the first time by Nizam al-Mulk. This may be considered to be his direct influence on the later development of Muslim political thought.
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133 Ibid., p. 5.
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